I’m Going to Have to Move to Mourissi from Indiana. God Help me please!

I have to move to live with my sister for a while.

Donnie’s daughter is the owner of the house we shared together.

They’ve let me stay here ever since he passed away

Donnie’s son lives about 3 or more hours away from here so he doesn’t want the house.

He has a ministry helping Alcohol and Drug Addicted men.

He is teaching them responsibility by having them work at a wood cutting business.

He pays them $12.00 an hour. He even takes in their children.

His name is Donnie Joe Townsend and if you feel the desire to help him in his ministry

you can call him at 1-843-408-8668. He has a house full of men and even has bunk beds in his kitchen.

The only reason why I have been able to stay here since June 12th, when his dad passed away is

because of Donnie Joe.

Pray for me on my journey because I can’t take anything with me.

My sister won’t let me bring my precious cat named Cali because she has an 18 year old cat

that won’t like another cat.

I’ve been crying since I found out two days ago.

First I loose my love, Donnie and now my cat that I adore. I’ve had her for ten years.

I’m allergic to cats and dogs but the pet store was going to put her to sleep because she

was biting everybody who tried to pet her. The guy also said she wouldn’t eat because she

was depressed.

She has never bitten me. Oh, she warns me sometimes with a very lightly open mouth bite but

she’s hasn’t ever hurt me.

She even knows when I am crying because she cries too. She knows when my ankles swell and

she lays on top of them. It makes me feel better too. She’s like a heating pad. She loves me so

much I’m afraid she won’t eat if I find a home for her. She doesn’t like kids or other pets so it’s

going to be difficult for me to find her a home in eight days. It’s all the time I have left before I

have to take a plane to St. Louis where my sister and her husband will pick me up.

I’m trying to write this through the tears so forgive me if it’s poorly written or misspelled.

I might have to put her to sleep if nobody will take her. God help me please!

I even have to leave my computer so if you don’t hear from me for awhile that’s why.

I’ve become attached to some people I follow and don’t want to loose them too.

But what can I do?

There’s a waiting list in all of the cities around her for up to a year to get housing.

Because I am on disability income the only thing I can afford is government housing.

Leaving my adorable, loving Cali behind is killing me!

I’ve even thought about suicide but I love God too much to do that and I wouldn’t ever be

reunited with Donnie or Cali ever again if I did that.

I need prayer warriors!

Thank you,

Bonnie Gail Carter

I don’t answer emails so if you want to reach me I am at 1-765-327-3129 in Peru, Indiana.

I’m sorry if I’ve burdened you with my problems but I am all alone with Cali.

I don’t have anyone.

Cali, mama loves you

Cali, mama loves you


A Wonderful Birthday Greeting I Had to Share: (Articles & Video)

Happy Birthday
July 4, 2015, 12:05 PM
Happy Birthday Bonnie Gail!
HAPPY BIRTHDAY!!!… YOU are AWESOME, Remember this is who you are… My soul is not contained within the limits of my body, my body is contained within the limitlessness of my soul. The effect you have on others is the most valuable currency there is because everything you gain in life will rot and fall apart and all that will be left of you is what was in your heart. Life doesn’t happen to you it happens for you. Walk by faith. You are ready and able to do beautiful things in this world, you will only ever have two choices love or fear, choose love and don’t ever let fear turn you against your playful heart.


Dissociative Identity Disorder

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Home Health Information Dissociative Identity Disorder – An Introduction
An Introduction to Dissociative Identity Disorder

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Clinical Trials

What is Dissociation?
What are the symptoms of dissociative disorders?
What is Dissociative Identity Disorder?
The Causes of DID
How is DID diagnosed and then treated?

This leaflet is provided by Carolyn Spring of PODS (Positive Outcomes for Dissociative Survivors), which exists to make recovery from dissociative disorders a reality through training, informing and supporting.

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What is Dissociation?
Dissociation itself is quite common and every one of us has probably experienced a normal dissociative episode many times in our lives – for example:

daydreaming while driving a car as if on autopilot (‘highway hypnosis’)
blanking out and missing part of a conversation
feeling unfamiliar when looking the mirror
having a dreamlike feeling about other people or the world
a sense of time slowing down (especially during a traumatic event such as a car accident or terrorist attack)
These types of symptoms occur as a natural reaction both to traumatic events as well as high levels of stress in everyday life. ‘Normal’ dissociation passes quickly and does NOT indicate the presence of a psychiatric disorder.

However, a dissociative disorder can develop when severe trauma is experienced and is not processed or dealt with. This theory has gained overwhelming support in recent years from research on the effect of trauma on the brain, and how memory is affected. A traumatic experience is one that is extremely distressing, involves a threat to life or the physical body, and is generally accompanied by feelings of helplessness – dissociation is therefore a common response. It allows a person to alter their consciousness in a way which enables them to distance or disconnect from the full impact of what is happening. This distancing can take place in terms of memory, emotion, the actual physical experience, or in extreme cases a sense of identity. When under threat the brain goes into ‘survival’ mode. Dissociation can be thought of as both a neurobiological response to threat and a psychological defence to protect from an overwhelming experience. This happens automatically as the best and usually the only means of mentally surviving trauma.

Dissociation has been described as ‘an unconscious defence mechanism in which a group of mental activities splits off from the main stream of consciousness and function as a separate unit’ (O’Regan, 1985). The purpose of dissociation therefore is to take the memory or emotion that is directly associated with a trauma and to try to separate it from the conscious self. It is a normal process which starts out as a defence mechanism to handle traumatic events, but which becomes problematic over time.

What are the symptoms of dissociative disorders?
There are different types of dissociative disorder and they may include varying degrees of the following five core dissociative symptoms:

Amnesia. This will be for specific and significant blocks of time that have passed – gaps in memory or ‘lost time’.
Depersonalisation. This is a feeling of being detached from yourself or looking at yourself from the outside, as an observer would. It can also include feeling cut-off from parts of your body or detached from your emotions, and a sense that you are not yourself.
Derealisation. This is a feeling of detachment from the world around you, or a sense that people or things feel unreal.
Identity confusion. This is a feeling of internal conflict of who you are – having difficulty in defining yourself.
Identity alteration. This is a shift in identity accompanied by changes in behaviour that are observable to others. These may include speaking in a different voice or using different names. This may be experienced as a personality switch or shift, or a loss of control to ‘someone else’ inside.
In dissociative disorders, and especially in Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID), there is a fundamental disconnection between conscious awareness, memories, emotions and also usually the body.

What is Dissociative Identity Disorder?
Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID) is the most extreme manifestation of a dissociative disorder and involves ‘multiple parts of the personality’ existing within one person. These have evolved as separate ‘personality states’ as the only feasible way for a child to cope with ongoing trauma and abuse. It involves a basic pretence that what is happening is not happening to me. As Phil Mollon (1996) puts it: ‘Dissociation involves an attempt to deny that an unbearable situation is happening, or that the person is present in that situation.’

It is important to remember that none of us has one totally ‘integrated’ personality. We show different sides of us in different situations, so we may play a very different role when we are in a business meeting compared to when we are at home relaxing with our family. DID is an extreme manifestation of what we all experience to a much lesser degree. In DID, the different parts of the personality ‘are not actually separate identities or personalities in one body, but rather parts of a single individual that are not yet functioning together in a smooth, co-ordinated and flexible way’ (Boon et al, 2011).

When most people hear of DID they may think of Sybil, the book and 1976 film starring Sally Field. In this film Sybil was diagnosed with suffering from Multiple Personality Disorder (the previous name for DID) resulting from severe child abuse. Her parts were quite distinct and easily recognised, and the switching between them was quite obvious. In reality someone with DID may not show such obvious switching.

In addition to the dissociation and switching between different alters, a person with DID may experience the following symptoms:

inner voices
panic attacks
generalised anxiety
eating disorders
drug or alcohol dependency
body memories
severe headaches
unexplained medical symptoms, especially chronic pain
suicidal thoughts and behaviours
relational difficulties
issues of shame and poor self-esteem
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)
Someone who has DID may have distinct, coherent identities within themself that are able to assume control of their behaviour and thought. They may or may not be aware of these ‘alter personalities’ and they may or may not present with different names, mannerisms, gender identity, sense of age, etc. Sometimes it is very subtle and sometimes it is very obvious to an observer, although the person with DID may not be aware that it is happening at all. They may just have a sense of losing time or incoherence about who they are and what they have been doing.

Flashbacks are one of the most common ways in which dissociated memories begin to resurface. During a flashback there will often be overwhelming visual, sensory and other reminders of the traumatic event, and it may feel as if the experience is being relived. A flashback can often be caused by a ‘trigger’, which is a current-day reminder (either at a conscious or unconscious level) of something traumatic from the past. A trigger could be a sight, a sound, a taste, a smell, a touch, a situation, a location, even a body movement. There is almost an instant catapulting back into the sensation or feelings of the past which is highly distressing and can happen quite spontaneously. This makes living everyday life somewhat of a minefield, as almost anything can become a trigger and cause rapid and destabilising switching – for example, into alters who experience the flashback as being re-abused in the present.

The Causes of DID
DID is not a mental illness with a biological cause, but rather the result of a series of developmental adaptations in the brain to a difficult early life environment. It is now widely accepted that DID results from chronic and overwhelming trauma and abuse in childhood, starting at a very young age, generally at the hands of a caregiver. Although the child’s parents may not have been directly involved in the abuse, there has usually been some inability on their part to help the child to process or recover from whatever trauma they have experienced. The traumatic events therefore remain sealed off – dissociated and unprocessed – from the main conscious awareness and developing identity of the child. This can result in either complete or partial amnesia for what has happened, and ‘gaps’ in the person’s narrative account of their life. One of the principal functions of DID is ‘denial’ – to allow the person to continue with life, unaware of the extreme abuse that they have suffered, by blocking it out of their memory and mind.

It is very common then that the person will grow up unaware of their traumatic history until such time as their psychological defences can no longer cope – for example, due to stress or the intrusion of current-day ‘triggers’. At this point the dissociation and DID may manifest in a much more obvious way, so that life becomes intolerable, and help or treatment is sought.

How is DID diagnosed and then treated?
The American Psychological Association defines a list of psychiatric conditions and the latest edition of this is the DSM-5 (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, version 5). It defines DID in section 300.14 (dissociative disorders) as follows:

Disruption of identity characterised by two or more distinct personality states, which may be described in some cultures as an experience of possession. The disruption in identity involves marked discontinuity in sense of self and sense of agency, accompanied by related alterations in affect, behaviour, consciousness, memory, perception, cognition, and/or sensory-motor functioning. These signs and symptoms may be observed by others or reported by the individual.
Recurrent gaps in the recall of everyday events, important personal information, and/or traumatic events that are inconsistent with ordinary forgetting.
DID therefore is characterised by two main aspects: disruption of identity, and a disruption in memory. The criteria also clarify that the symptoms cause significant distress, are not part of a broadly accepted cultural or religious practice, and are not due to alcohol or drugs. People who fall short of these criteria, or the criteria for Dissociative Amnesia or Depersonalisation/Derealisation Disorder, may instead receive a diagnosis of Other Specified Dissociative Disorder (OSDD) or Unspecified Dissociative Disorder (UDD). These used to be called DDNOS (Dissociative Disorder Not Otherwise Specified).

The Pottergate Centre in Norwich offers free screening tools for dissociative disorders such as the DES (Dissociative Experiences Scales) and SDQ20 (Somatoform Dissociative Questionnaire) and can advise on how to go about having a full assessment. See below for a list of organisations working in this field, including the Pottergate Centre and Positive Outcomes for Dissociative Survivors (PODS).

DID is very rarely diagnosed at an early stage in the UK due to widespread ignorance within the medical profession. On average according to research it takes 7 years within the Mental Health system to gain a correct diagnosis. Often it is misdiagnosed as borderline personality disorder (also known as emotionally unstable personality disorder), schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, depression or PTSD. The person with DID may suffer from some of these conditions in addition to DID, but dissociation is often the underlying core issue.

The ISSTD (International Society for the Study of Trauma and Dissociation) recommends that the preferred treatment for DID is long-term relational psychotherapy. Medication can assist with associated symptoms, such as sleep disturbance, anxiety and depression, but there is no pharmacological cure for DID. However, DID has a very favourable prognosis and significant recovery is possible with the right treatment. It is most helpful to work with a therapist who has some awareness of DID or who is willing to learn or have a supervisor experienced in working with dissociation. Many people find that treatment is not available via the NHS and so have to turn to the voluntary sector or private therapists, and the PODS website (see below) holds a register of ‘dissociation-friendly’ therapists throughout the UK who can be approached, many of whom may be willing to work on a sliding-scale basis for clients on a low income.

The ISSTD have produced some treatment guidelines for working with DID (click References & Dislcaimer to see the link). These guidelines are very comprehensive and give hope that significant recovery is possible as long as there is not an undue investment in the DID itself. They do recommend talking to and engaging with all of the different parts, whilst not focusing on and even elaborating their differences. Instead ‘parts’ or ‘alters’ should be understood in terms of what they represent or hold, which often includes disowned feelings, memories, or ways of relating. The ISSTD therefore recommend accepting and validating the different parts of the personality and their contribution to the person as a whole, whilst understanding why the dissociative splits are present and how to resolve those conflicts and move towards resolution.

People with DID almost invariably have ‘disorganised attachment’, often resulting from having caregivers who were either ‘frightened or frightening’. This can lead to problems both in managing emotions and dealing with relationships. To a partner or professional supporter this may appear to be an irrational or unpredictable style of relating and behaviour. Attachment issues ideally need to be addressed in therapy, rather than the focus being just on the traumatic events themselves.

Effective treatment for DID is often long-term and seems to be most successful when a ‘phase-oriented’ approach is undertaken. This means that the focus of treatment follows three distinct phases, although progression between the three stages is not often linear and may involve going backwards and forwards during them. The first stage is about creating safety and stabilisation in the dissociative client’s life, including learning grounding techniques and building a secure base from which they can explore their traumatic past. The second phase often works directly with traumatic memories, which can be very destabilising if it is not approached slowly and sensitively, with sufficient resources gained from phase 1 work. The final phase, which may take several years to achieve, aims to help the dissociative client to build a new life and move into a more coherent sense of identity and way of being in the world. Although a number of people with DID do manage to ‘fuse’ their separate identities into one consistent whole, ‘stable multiplicity’ involving good co-operation and collaboration between the different parts of the personality is a preferred treatment goal for others.

Content used with permission from the PODS website: An Introduction to Dissociation and Dissociative Identity Disorder. Copyright for this leaflet is Carolyn Spring of PODS.

Post Traumatic Stress Disorder

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Post-traumatic Stress Disorder

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PatientPlus articles are written by UK doctors and are based on research evidence, UK and European Guidelines. They are designed for health professionals to use, so you may find the language more technical than the condition leaflets.

Stress is a feature of everyday life. Definitions vary but, in essence, it is the autonomic ‘alarm’ response to perceived threat in the environment, involving heightened arousal, adrenaline production facilitating short-term ‘fight-or-flight’ resistance, followed by physical and mental exhaustion. Stress is commonly understood as a mismatch between the external demands on an individual and their ability to cope. Many attribute their physical illness to it, from headache to cancer.

Individuals vary in their resilience to stress. Some actively seek and thrive in stressful environments, seeking out extreme sports or highly demanding careers. Others shun it and ‘stress’ at work often means an inability to cope, leading to unhappiness, absenteeism and actual illness. Life events such as bereavement, divorce and unemployment are all important ‘stressors’ and may have consequences for mental health but it is important not to ‘medicalise’ normal adjustment reactions to these types of events. Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) has a different magnitude and develops in response to stress of a severe and abnormal nature.

The National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) highlights the difference:[1]

PTSD develops following a stressful event or situation of an exceptionally threatening or catastrophic nature, which is likely to cause pervasive distress in almost anyone. PTSD does not therefore develop following those upsetting situations that are described as ‘traumatic’ in everyday language – for example, divorce, loss of job or failing an exam.
PTSD was recognised in the First World War in men who had been subjected to prolonged and intensive bombardment including gas attacks. It was called ‘shell shock’ and many soldiers on both sides were discharged to a pitiful existence with severe psychiatric problems. It was poorly managed and misunderstood and, in some instances, afflicted soldiers were executed as ‘deserters’.

It was not until 1980, following the traumas of the Vietnam War, that the third edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III) recognised PTSD formally as a medical entity. Combat exposure increases the risk of PTSD by approximately three-fold compared to non-deployed troops[2] but PTSD is not exclusive to military or civilian populations exposed to warfare and can be caused by a multiplicity of traumatic events.

Recent research suggests that the neurobiology of PTSD involves the autonomic system and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis and that adrenaline is the main neurotransmitter involved in this pathway.[3] Reconsolidation – the means by which the brain reconstructs memories and associated emotional responses – appears to be an important process in the development of PTSD.[4] An understanding in the underlying neurophysiology of PTSD opens up possibilities for novel treatments of this condition.

One study of UK armed forces personnel deployed to Afghanistan found that of 1,431 participants, 2.7% were classified as having probable PTSD.[5] . A household survey of UK adults estimated a prevalence of 2.6% in men and 3.3% in women.[6]

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Risk factors
Usually the precipitating event is, or is perceived as, life-threatening. Examples include serious accidents, hostage taking, natural disasters, terrorist incidents and violent assault.[7] However, it can also result from sexual assault, following rape or child sexual abuse. The trauma can also be ongoing such as domestic violence, recurring sexual abuse or systematic abuse by a rogue regime.
Refugees and asylum seekers are likely to have suffered the sort of trauma that would predispose to PTSD and are at much higher risk than the general population in their new countries of settlement.[8]
First responders – eg, police, ambulance personnel – are by definition more likely to be exposed to traumatic events..[9] The fact that they have selected such an occupation suggests some inherent resilience. Amongst the military, risk factors for PTSD include:[10]
Duration of combat exposure.
Low morale.
Poor social support.
Lower rank.
Low educational attainment.
History of childhood adversity.
A history of previous psychiatric disorders increases the risk of PTSD.
One study found that females were as much as twice as likely to develop PTSD as men were – the degree of gender difference, however, depending on the circumstances. Women were more vulnerable to PTSD after disasters and accidents, followed by loss and non-malignant diseases. In violence and chronic disease, the gender differences were smallest.[11]
Approximately 1-2% of women suffer from PTSD postnatally.[12]
Recognition is often a challenge:

Many people are denied treatment for PTSD because the condition is unrecognised. If a patient presents with PTSD symptoms, depression, drug or alcohol misuse or anger, make sensitive enquiry about traumatic experiences in the past. Make similar enquiries of frequent attenders with unexplained physical symptoms.
Ask children directly about their experiences.
Comorbidities are common – eg, depression, anxiety, substance abuse.
Although the problem starts soon after the event, in 85% it may present later so that the relationship with the event is less obvious, especially if features are less specific, such as anxiety, depression, insomnia or hypochondria with frequent attendance.
It may be necessary to distinguish PTSD from traumatic or complicated grief reactions that may develop a year or more after a bereavement, with symptoms of intense, intrusive thoughts, pangs of severe emotion, distressing yearnings, feeling excessively alone and empty, excessively avoiding tasks associated with the deceased, unusual sleep disturbances and loss of interest in personal activities. The two conditions can, of course, co-exist.[13]
PTSD symptoms fall into three categories:[1]


Flashbacks where it seems as if the event were happening again.
Nightmares, which are common and repetitive.
Distressing images or other sensory impressions from the event, which intrude during the waking day.
Reminders of the traumatic event provoke distress.
Avoidance or rumination

Sufferers avoid reminders of the trauma, such as people, situations or circumstances resembling the event or associated with it. They may try to suppress memories or avoid thinking about the worst aspects. Many others ruminate excessively and prevent themselves from coming to terms with the experience.

Why did it happen to me?
Could it have been prevented?
How can I take revenge?
Hyperarousal or emotional numbing

This may manifest as:

Hypervigilance for threat.
Exaggerated startle responses.
Difficulty concentrating.
Sleep problems.
Difficulty experiencing emotions.
Feeling of detachment from others.
Giving up previously significant activities.
Amnesia for salient aspects of the trauma.
Developmentally, children may have more limited verbal skills and different means of reacting to stress compared to adults and thus will present differently with PTSD. Alternative criteria have been suggested for the diagnosis of PTSD in children. In children and adolescents, it has been suggested that Avoidance symptoms are more diagnostically significant than Re-experience and Arousal. Guilt may be a significant symptom associated with trauma-exposed youth.[14] Children may re-enact the traumatic experience with joyless repetitive play or have frightening dreams without recognisable content, sometimes presenting as sleep disturbance. They may have other behavioural problems.

Time of onset
Usually the disorder strikes soon after the event but in a small minority it may be delayed. Delayed onset greater than a year post-trauma is thought to be very rare.[15] More commonly, patients present a considerable time after the event with symptoms that date back to it.

Cultural modification
There are cultural expectations that predispose an individual’s response to trauma. All modern wars have been associated with a syndrome characterised by medically unexplained symptoms. The form that these assume, the terms used to describe them and the explanations offered by servicemen and doctors seem to be influenced by advances in medical science, changes in the nature of warfare and underlying cultural forces.[16]

Screening for PTSD is of value. A voice-based automated system has been developed with a detection accuracy of 95.88%.[17] Only those at high risk should be screened; for example:

After a major disaster, consideration should be given to the routine use of a brief screening instrument for PTSD, at one month after the disaster, to identify those most at risk of PTSD.[1]
Refugees and asylum seekers at high risk of developing PTSD should be given a brief screening instrument for PTSD as part of the initial refugee healthcare assessment. This should be a part of any comprehensive physical and mental health screen.
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Differential diagnosis
Specific phobias.
Acute stress reaction.
Adjustment disorders.
Personality disorders.
Enduring personality change after catastrophic experience.
Dissociative disorders.
Neurological injury or disease.
Complicated grief reaction.
Much more detail about the nature of various types of management, including psychological therapies, can be found in the NICE full guidelines.[1]

General principles
Single-session interventions, often referred to as debriefing, immediately after the event, have been deemed at best ineffective and at worst harmful in the treatment of PTSD. However, some authorities argue that such sessions may be of value when used in selected groups.[18]
If symptoms are mild and the event was less than a month previously, watchful waiting is appropriate.
For those with severe symptoms in the first month, trauma-focused cognitive behavioural therapy (TF-CBT) should be offered.
The evidence from one study which reviewed the effectiveness of CBT delivered in a group setting to patients suffering from postnatal depression was equivocal.[19] However, a recent Cochrane meta-analysis looking at a wider range of patients supported its use.[20]
Alternative psychological treatments to TF-CBT include eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing (EMDR) and stress management. One study reported that EMDR reduced the vividness of memories in a student sample, suggesting perhaps some interference in the reconsolidation process.[21]
Non-trauma-focused interventions such as relaxation or non-directive therapy, that do not address traumatic memories, should not routinely be offered to people who present with PTSD symptoms within three months of a traumatic event.
Comorbid conditions such as depression, general anxiety or alcohol or substance misuse are often secondary to the PTSD. The PTSD should be treated first and then the comorbid condition, especially depression, will usually improve. However, if the comorbid condition is sufficiently severe to interfere with treatment of the PTSD, it should take precedence in treatment.
EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitisation and Reprocessing) Therapy
CBT is discussed in its own article but EMDR requires more explanation. It is an integrative psychotherapy approach with a set of standardized protocols, principles and procedures. One technique uses eye movements to help the brain process traumatic events, although this is but one part of the entire therapy. The goal of EMDR is to reduce distress in the shortest period of time. It should only be conducted by an appropriately trained therapist.

Older children with severe PTSD should be offered TF-CBT in the first month after the traumatic event.[22]
Children and young people with PTSD, including those who have been sexually abused, should be offered a course of TF-CBT adjusted to suit their age and maturity.[23]
EMDR may also be used with children.
NICE concludes that there is currently no good evidence for widely used treatments such as play therapy, art therapy, or family therapy for PTSD.[24]
Drug treatment
Drug treatment is considered second-line and should not be used in preference to psychological therapy.
It should be borne in mind that patients with PTSD are known to have poor compliance with medication.[25]
If patients refuse psychological therapy but want drug treatment, or where psychological treatment has not relieved symptoms, NICE suggests the use of paroxetine or mirtazapine (primary care) and amitriptyline or phenelzine (to be initiated only by a psychiatrist). A Cochrane review supported the use of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) in the treatment of PTSD.[26] NICE reiterates the need for vigilance for suicidal ideations in young people prescribed SSRIs, and care with sudden withdrawal.
Hypnotics may be considered to help insomnia but they should not be used for more than a month and, if required for longer, should be replaced by an antidepressant.
Clonidine has recently been explored as a potential treatment. It is thought to act by blocking the reconsolidation process.[4]
Stellate ganglion block has recently been used for the treatment of PTSD. The rationale for this treatment is a reduction in the action of adrenaline (epinephrine), the main neurotransmitter associated with fear conditioning.[3]

Decision aids
Doctors and patients can use Decision Aids together to help choose the best course of action to take.
Compare the options
Those with PTSD are more likely to abuse drugs or alcohol[27] and to have medical problems with general medical conditions, musculoskeletal pain, cardiorespiratory symptoms and their gastrointestinal health.[28] An association with cardiovascular disease is being investigated.[29]

A substantial proportion of those who experience serious trauma will develop some features of PTSD but 80-90% will recover spontaneously.[30]
Symptoms may still be present many years after the event. One study found that people exposed to war-related trauma were at a high risk of having PTSD symptoms a decade later if no treatment was initiated.[31]
The severity of symptoms two weeks after trauma is a good predictor of the degree of severity at six months.[32]
The benefit from treatment does not decline with the lapse of time since the traumatic event.
We cannot eliminate risk, fear and unpleasant events and most of us will experience at least one major trauma in our life. Traditional ‘Health and Safety’ approaches to risk management, which attempt to reduce exposure, have not been successful and may actually increase risk aversion and reduce resilience. People are not intrinsically risk-averse, provided they can see purpose in accepting risk.[33] Exposure to risk is not inevitably harmful. Claims for compensation delay recovery.[34] Culturally, we need to respect courage and resilience but not to stigmatise breakdown. PTSD is not just a medical but a social and political issue too.[35]

There is some evidence that cortisol given within the first few hours after a traumatic event (the ‘golden hours’) may have a prophylactic effect on the subsequent development of PTSD.[30]

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Further reading & references
The ISTSS Expert Consensus Treatment Guidelines For Complex PTSD In Adults, Complex Trauma Task Force (Nov 2012)
EMDR Association UK & Ireland
Bisson JI; Post-traumatic stress disorder. BMJ. 2007 Apr 14;334(7597):789-793.
Combat Stress
Davis SM, Whitworth JD, Rickett K; Clinical inquiries. What are the most practical primary care screens for post-traumatic stress disorder? J Fam Pract. 2009 Feb;58(2):100-1.
Stergiopoulos E, Cimo A, Cheng C, et al; Interventions to improve work outcomes in work-related PTSD: a systematic review. BMC Public Health. 2011 Oct 31;11:838. doi: 10.1186/1471-2458-11-838.
Digangi J, Guffanti G, McLaughlin KA, et al; Considering trauma exposure in the context of genetics studies of posttraumatic stress disorder: a systematic review. Biol Mood Anxiety Disord. 2013 Jan 3;3(1):2.
Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD): The management of PTSD in adults and children in primary and secondary care; NICE (2005)
Smith TC, Ryan MA, Wingard DL, et al; New onset and persistent symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder self reported after deployment and combat exposures: prospective population based US military cohort study. BMJ. 2008 Feb 16;336(7640):366-71. Epub 2008 Jan 15.
Lipov E, Kelzenberg B, Rothfeld C, et al; Modulation of NGF by cortisol and the Stellate Ganglion Block – Is this the missing link between memory consolidation and PTSD? Med Hypotheses. 2012 Dec;79(6):750-3. doi: 10.1016/j.mehy.2012.08.019. Epub 2012 Sep 18.
Gamache K, Pitman RK, Nader K; Preclinical evaluation of reconsolidation blockade by clonidine as a potential novel treatment for posttraumatic stress disorder. Neuropsychopharmacology. 2012 Dec;37(13):2789-96. doi: 10.1038/npp.2012.145. Epub 2012 Aug 8.
Jones N, Seddon R, Fear NT, et al; Leadership, cohesion, morale, and the mental health of UK Armed Forces in Afghanistan. Psychiatry. 2012 Spring;75(1):49-59. doi: 10.1521/psyc.2012.75.1.49.
McManus S et al; Adult Psychiatric Morbidity in England, 2007 – Results of a household survey, The NHS Information Centre for health and social care
Kleim B, Ehlers A, Glucksman E; Early predictors of chronic post-traumatic stress disorder in assault survivors. Psychol Med. 2007 Oct;37(10):1457-67. Epub 2007 Jun 22.
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Attachment Theory

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Attachment theory
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
An Inuit family is sitting on a log outside their tent. The parents, wearing warm clothing made of animal skins, are engaged in domestic tasks. Between them sits a toddler, also in skin clothes, staring at the camera. On the mother’s back is a baby in a papoose.
For infants and toddlers, the “set-goal” of the attachment behavioural system is to maintain or achieve proximity to attachment figures, usually the parents.
Attachment theory is a psychological model that attempts to describe the dynamics of long-term interpersonal relationships between humans. However, “attachment theory is not formulated as a general theory of relationships. It addresses only a specific facet” (Waters et al. 2005: 81): how human beings respond within relationships when hurt, separated from loved ones, or perceiving a threat.[1] Essentially, attachment depends on the person’s ability to develop basic trust in their caregivers and self.[2] In infants, attachment as a motivational and behavioral system directs the child to seek proximity with a familiar caregiver when they are alarmed, with the expectation that they will receive protection and emotional support. John Bowlby believed that the tendency for primate infants to develop attachments to familiar caregivers was the result of evolutionary pressures, since attachment behavior would facilitate the infant’s survival in the face of dangers such as predation or exposure to the elements.[3]
The most important tenet of attachment theory is that an infant needs to develop a relationship with at least one primary caregiver for the child’s successful social and emotional development, and in particular for learning how to effectively regulate their feelings. Fathers or any other individuals, are equally likely to become principal attachment figures if they provide most of the child care and related social interaction.[4] In the presence of a sensitive and responsive caregiver, the infant will use the caregiver as a “safe base” from which to explore. It should be recognized that “even sensitive caregivers get it right only about 50 percent of the time. Their communications are either out of synch, or mismatched. There are times when parents feel tired or distracted. The telephone rings or there is breakfast to prepare. In other words, attuned interactions rupture quite frequently. But the hallmark of a sensitive caregiver is that the ruptures are managed and repaired.”[5]
Attachments between infants and caregivers form even if this caregiver is not sensitive and responsive in social interactions with them.[6] This has important implications. Infants cannot exit unpredictable or insensitive caregiving relationships. Instead they must manage themselves as best they can within such relationships. Research by developmental psychologist Mary Ainsworth in the 1960s and 70s found that children will have different patterns of attachment depending primarily on how they experienced their early caregiving environment. Early patterns of attachment, in turn, shape — but do not determine — the individual’s expectations in later relationships.[7] Four different attachment classifications have been identified in children: secure attachment, anxious-ambivalent attachment, anxious-avoidant attachment, and disorganized attachment. Attachment theory has become the dominant theory used today in the study of infant and toddler behavior and in the fields of infant mental health, treatment of children, and related fields. Secure attachment is considered to be the best attachment style. Secure attachment is when children feel secure in the presence of their caregivers. When the caregiver leaves the infant alone, the infant feels separation anxiety. Separation anxiety is what infants feel when they are separated from their caregivers. Anxious-ambivalent attachment is when the infant feels separation anxiety when separated from his caregiver and does not feel reassured when the caregiver returns to the infant. Anxious-avoidant attachment is when the infant avoids their parents. Disorganized attachment is when there is a lack of attachment behavior. In the 1980s, the theory was extended to attachment in adults. Attachment applies to adults when adults feel close attachment to their parents and their romantic partners.
Contents [hide]
1 Infant attachment
1.1 Behaviours
1.2 Tenets
2 Attachment classification in children: The Strange Situation Protocol
3 Attachment patterns
3.1 Secure attachment
3.2 Anxious-resistant insecure attachment
3.3 Anxious-avoidant insecure attachment
3.4 Disorganized/disoriented attachment
3.5 Later patterns and the dynamic-maturational model
3.6 Significance of patterns
4 Changes in attachment during childhood and adolescence
5 Attachment in adults
6 History
6.1 Maternal deprivation
6.1.1 Ethology
6.1.2 Psychoanalysis
6.1.3 Internal working model
6.1.4 Developments
7 Biology of attachment
8 Practical applications
8.1 Child care policies
8.2 Clinical practice in children
8.2.1 Prevention and treatment
8.2.2 Reactive attachment disorder and attachment disorder
8.3 Clinical practice in adults and families
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References
12 Further reading
13 External links
Infant attachment[edit]
A young mother smiles up at the camera. On her back is her baby gazing at the camera with an expression of lively interest.
The attachment system serves to achieve or maintain proximity to the attachment figure. In close physical proximity this system is not activitated, and the infant can direct its attention to the outside world.
Within attachment theory, attachment means “a biological instinct in which proximity to an attachment figure is sought when the child senses or perceives threat or discomfort. Attachment behaviour anticipates a response by the attachment figure which will remove threat or discomfort”.[8][9] Such bonds may be reciprocal between two adults, but between a child and a caregiver these bonds are based on the child’s need for safety, security and protection, paramount in infancy and childhood. [Bowlby] begins by noting that organisms at different levels of the phylogenetic scale regulate instinctive behavior in distinct ways, ranging from primitive reflex-like “fixed action patterns” to complex plan hierarchies with subgoals and strong learning components. In the most complex organisms, instinctive behaviors may be “goal-corrected” with continual on-course adjustments (such as a bird of prey adjusting its flight to the movements of the prey). The concept of cybernetically controlled behavioral systems organized as plan hierarchies (Miller, Galanter, and Pribram, 1960) thus came to replace Freud’s concept of drive and instinct. Such systems regulate behaviors in ways that need not be rigidly innate, but—depending on the organism—can adapt in greater or lesser degrees to changes in environmental circumstances, provided that these do not deviate too much from the organism’s environment of evolutionary adaptedness. Such flexible organisms pay a price, however, because adaptable behavioral systems can more easily be subverted from their optimal path of development. For humans, Bowlby speculates, the environment of evolutionary adaptedness probably resembles that of present-day hunter-gatherer societies for the purpose of survival, and, ultimately, genetic replication.[10] Attachment theory is not an exhaustive description of human relationships, nor is it synonymous with love and affection, although these may indicate that bonds exist.[10] Some infants direct attachment behaviour (proximity seeking) toward more than one attachment figure almost as soon as they start to show discrimination between caregivers; most come to do so during their second year. These figures are arranged hierarchically, with the principal attachment figure at the top.[11] The set-goal of the attachment behavioural system is to maintain the accessibility and availability of the attachment figure.[12] “Alarm” is the term used for activation of the attachment behavioural system caused by fear of danger. “Anxiety” is the anticipation or fear of being cut off from the attachment figure. If the figure is unavailable or unresponsive, separation distress occurs.[13] In infants, physical separation can cause anxiety and anger, followed by sadness and despair. By age three or four, physical separation is no longer such a threat to the child’s bond with the attachment figure. Threats to security in older children and adults arise from prolonged absence, breakdowns in communication, emotional unavailability, or signs of rejection or abandonment.[12]
A baby leans at a table staring at a picture book with intense concentration.
Insecure attachment patterns can compromise exploration and the achievement of self-confidence. A securely attached baby is free to concentrate on her or his environment.
The attachment behavioural system serves to achieve or maintain proximity to the attachment figure.[14] Pre-attachment behaviours occur in the first six months of life. During the first phase (the first eight weeks), infants smile, babble, and cry to attract the attention of potential caregivers. Although infants of this age learn to discriminate between caregivers, these behaviours are directed at anyone in the vicinity. During the second phase (two to six months), the infant increasingly discriminates between familiar and unfamiliar adults, becoming more responsive toward the caregiver; following and clinging are added to the range of behaviours. Clear-cut attachment develops in the third phase, between the ages of six months and two years. The infant’s behaviour toward the caregiver becomes organized on a goal-directed basis to achieve the conditions that make it feel secure.[15] By the end of the first year, the infant is able to display a range of attachment behaviours designed to maintain proximity. These manifest as protesting the caregiver’s departure, greeting the caregiver’s return, clinging when frightened, and following when able.[16] With the development of locomotion, the infant begins to use the caregiver or caregivers as a “safe base” from which to explore.[15] Infant exploration is greater when the caregiver is present because the infant’s attachment system is relaxed and it is free to explore. If the caregiver is inaccessible or unresponsive, attachment behaviour is more strongly exhibited.[17] Anxiety, fear, illness, and fatigue will cause a child to increase attachment behaviours.[18] After the second year, as the child begins to see the caregiver as an independent person, a more complex and goal-corrected partnership is formed.[19] Children begin to notice others’ goals and feelings and plan their actions accordingly. For example, whereas babies cry because of pain, two-year-olds cry to summon their caregiver, and if that does not work, cry louder, shout, or follow.
Common attachment behaviours and emotions, displayed in most social primates including humans, are adaptive. The long-term evolution of these species has involved selection for social behaviors that make individual or group survival more likely. The commonly observed attachment behaviour of toddlers staying near familiar people would have had safety advantages in the environment of early adaptation, and has similar advantages today. Bowlby saw the environment of early adaptation as similar to current hunter-gatherer societies.[20] There is a survival advantage in the capacity to sense possibly dangerous conditions such as unfamiliarity, being alone, or rapid approach. According to Bowlby, proximity-seeking to the attachment figure in the face of threat is the “set-goal” of the attachment behavioural system.
A young father lies on his back on a quilt on the floor. He holds his baby daughter up above him with his arms straight and his hands round her ribcage. The baby has her arms and legs stretched out and arches her back smiling directly at the camera.
Early experiences with caregivers gradually give rise to a system of thoughts, memories, beliefs, expectations, emotions, and behaviours about the self and others.
Bowlby’s original account of a sensitivity period during which attachments can form of between six months and two to three years has been modified by later researchers. These researchers have shown that there is indeed a sensitive period during which attachments will form if possible, but the time frame is broader and the effect less fixed and irreversible than first proposed. With further research, authors discussing attachment theory have come to appreciate that social development is affected by later as well as earlier relationships. Early steps in attachment take place most easily if the infant has one caregiver, or the occasional care of a small number of other people. According to Bowlby, almost from the first many children have more than one figure toward whom they direct attachment behaviour. These figures are not treated alike; there is a strong bias for a child to direct attachment behaviour mainly toward one particular person. Bowlby used the term “monotropy” to describe this bias.[21] Researchers and theorists have abandoned this concept insofar as it may be taken to mean that the relationship with the special figure differs qualitatively from that of other figures. Rather, current thinking postulates definite hierarchies of relationships.[22][23]
Early experiences with caregivers gradually give rise to a system of thoughts, memories, beliefs, expectations, emotions, and behaviours about the self and others. This system, called the “internal working model of social relationships”, continues to develop with time and experience.[24] Internal models regulate, interpret, and predict attachment-related behaviour in the self and the attachment figure. As they develop in line with environmental and developmental changes, they incorporate the capacity to reflect and communicate about past and future attachment relationships.[7] They enable the child to handle new types of social interactions; knowing, for example, that an infant should be treated differently from an older child, or that interactions with teachers and parents share characteristics. This internal working model continues to develop through adulthood, helping cope with friendships, marriage, and parenthood, all of which involve different behaviours and feelings.[24][25] The development of attachment is a transactional process. Specific attachment behaviours begin with predictable, apparently innate, behaviours in infancy. They change with age in ways that are determined partly by experiences and partly by situational factors.[26] As attachment behaviours change with age, they do so in ways shaped by relationships. A child’s behaviour when reunited with a caregiver is determined not only by how the caregiver has treated the child before, but on the history of effects the child has had on the caregiver.[27][28]
Attachment classification in children: The Strange Situation Protocol[edit]
See also: Attachment measures
The most common and empirically supported method for assessing attachment in infants (12months-20months) is the Strange Situation Protocol, developed by Mary Ainsworth as a result of her careful in-depth observations of infants with their mothers in Uganda(see below).[29] The Strange Situation Protocol is a research, not a diagnostic, tool and the resulting attachment classifications are not ‘clinical diagnoses’. While the procedure may be used to supplement clinical impressions, the resulting classifications should not be confused with the clinically diagnosed ‘Reactive Attachment Disorder (RAD)’. The clinical concept of RAD differs in a number of fundamental ways from the theory and research driven attachment classifications based on the Strange Situation Procedure. The idea that insecure attachments are synonymous with RAD is, in fact, not accurate and leads to ambiguity when formally discussing attachment theory as it has evolved in the research literature. This is not to suggest that the concept of RAD is without merit, but rather that the clinical and research conceptualizations of insecure attachment and attachment disorder are not synonymous.
The ‘Strange Situation’ is a laboratory procedure used to assess infant patterns of attachment to their caregiver. In the procedure, the mother and infant are placed in an unfamiliar playroom equipped with toys while a researcher observes/records the procedure through a one-way mirror. The procedure consists of eight sequential episodes in which the child experiences both separation from and reunion with the mother as well as the presence of an unfamiliar stranger.[29] The protocol is conducted in the following format unless modifications are otherwise noted by a particular researcher:
Episode 1: Mother (or other familiar caregiver), Baby, Experimenter (30 seconds)
Episode 2: Mother, Baby (3 mins)
Episode 3: Mother, Baby, Stranger (3 mins or less)
Episode 4: Stranger, Baby (3 mins)
Episode 5: Mother, Baby (3 mins)
Episode 6: Baby Alone (3 mins or less)
Episode 7: Stranger, Baby (3 mins or less)
Episode 8: Mother, Baby (3 mins)
Mainly on the basis of their reunion behaviours (although other behaviors are taken into account) in the Strange Situation Paradigm (Ainsworth et al., 1978; see below), infants can be categorized into three ‘organized’ attachment categories: Secure (Group B); Avoidant (Group A); and Anxious/Resistant (Group C). There are subclassifications for each group (see below). A fourth category, termed Disorganized (D), can also be assigned to an infant assessed in the Strange Situation although a primary ‘organized’ classification is always given for an infant judged to be disorganized. Each of these groups reflects a different kind of attachment relationship with the mother. A child may have a different type of attachment to each parent as well as to unrelated caregivers. Attachment style is thus not so much a part of the child’s thinking, but is characteristic of a specific relationship. However, after about age five children tend to exhibits one primary consistent pattern of attachment in relationships.[30]
The pattern the child develops after age five demonstrates the specific parenting styles used during the developmental stages within the child. These attachment patterns are associated with behavioral patterns and can help further predict a child’s future personality.[31]
Attachment patterns[edit]
“The strength of a child’s attachment behaviour in a given circumstance does not indicate the ‘strength’ of the attachment bond. Some insecure children will routinely display very pronounced attachment behaviours, while many secure children find that there is no great need to engage in either intense or frequent shows of attachment behaviour.”[32]
Secure attachment[edit]
A toddler who is securely attached to his or her parent (or other familiar caregiver) will explore freely while the caregiver is present, typically engages with strangers, is often visibly upset when the caregiver departs, and is generally happy to see the caregiver return. The extent of exploration and of distress are affected by the child’s temperamental make-up and by situational factors as well as by attachment status, however. A child’s attachment is largely influenced by their primary caregiver’s sensitivity to their needs. Parents who consistently (or almost always) respond to their child’s needs will create securely attached children. Such children are certain that their parents will be responsive to their needs and communications.[33]
In the traditional Ainsworth et al. (1978) coding of the Strange Situation, secure infants are denoted as “Group B” infants and they are further subclassified as B1, B2, B3, and B4.[29] Although these subgroupings refer to different stylistic responses to the comings and goings of the caregiver, they were not given specific labels by Ainsworth and colleagues, although their descriptive behaviors led others (including students of Ainsworth) to devise a relatively ‘loose’ terminology for these subgroups. B1’s have been referred to as ‘secure-reserved’, B2’s as ‘secure-inhibited’, B3’s as ‘secure-balanced’, and B4’s as ‘secure-reactive’. In academic publications however, the classification of infants (if subgroups are denoted) is typically simply “B1” or “B2” although more theoretical and review-oriented papers surrounding attachment theory may use the above terminology.
Securely attached children are best able to explore when they have the knowledge of a secure base (their caregiver) to return to in times of need. When assistance is given, this bolsters the sense of security and also, assuming the parent’s assistance is helpful, educates the child in how to cope with the same problem in the future. Therefore, secure attachment can be seen as the most adaptive attachment style. According to some psychological researchers, a child becomes securely attached when the parent is available and able to meet the needs of the child in a responsive and appropriate manner. At infancy and early childhood, if parents are caring and attentive towards their children, those children will be more prone to secure attachment.[34]
Anxious-resistant insecure attachment[edit]
Anxious-resistant insecure attachment is also called ambivalent attachment.[35] In general, a child with an anxious-resistant attachment style will typically explore little (in the Strange Situation) and is often wary of strangers, even when the parent is present. When the mother departs, the child is often highly distressed. The child is generally ambivalent when she returns.[29] The Anxious-Ambivalent/Resistant strategy is a response to unpredictably responsive caregiving, and the displays of anger or helplessness towards the caregiver on reunion can be regarded as a conditional strategy for maintaining the availability of the caregiver by preemptively taking control of the interaction.[36][37]
The C1 subtype is coded when:
“…resistant behavior is particularly conspicuous. The mixture of seeking and yet resisting contact and interaction has an unmistakeably angry quality and indeed an angry tone may characterize behavior in the preseparation episodes…”[29]
The C2 subtype is coded when:
“Perhaps the most conspicuous characteristic of C2 infants is their passivity. Their exploratory behavior is limited throughout the SS and their interactive behaviors are relatively lacking in active initiation. Nevertheless, in the reunion episodes they obviously want proximity to and contact with their mothers, even though they tend to use signalling rather than active approach, and protest against being put down rather than actively resisting release…In general the C2 baby is not as conspicuously angry as the C1 baby.”[29]
Research done by McCarthy and Taylor (1999), found that children with abusive childhood experiences were more likely to develop ambivalent attachments. The study also found that children with ambivalent attachments were more likely to experience difficulties in maintaining intimate relationships as adults. [38]
Anxious-avoidant insecure attachment[edit]
A child with the anxious-avoidant insecure attachment style will avoid or ignore the caregiver — showing little emotion when the caregiver departs or returns. The child will not explore very much regardless of who is there. Infants classified as anxious-avoidant (A) represented a puzzle in the early 1970s. They did not exhibit distress on separation, and either ignored the caregiver on their return (A1 subtype) or showed some tendency to approach together with some tendency to ignore or turn away from the caregiver (A2 subtype). Ainsworth and Bell theorised that the apparently unruffled behaviour of the avoidant infants is in fact a mask for distress, a hypothesis later evidenced through studies of the heart-rate of avoidant infants.[39][40]
Infants are depicted as anxious-avoidant insecure when there is:
“…conspicuous avoidance of the mother in the reunion episodes which is likely to consist of ignoring her altogether, although there may be some pointed looking away, turning away, or moving away…If there is a greeting when the mother enters, it tends to be a mere look or a smile…Either the baby does not approach his mother upon reunion, or they approach in ‘abortive’ fashions with the baby going past the mother, or it tends to only occur after much coaxing…If picked up, the baby shows little or no contact-maintaining behavior; he tends not to cuddle in; he looks away and he may squirm to get down.”[29]
Ainsworth’s narrative records showed that infants avoided the caregiver in the stressful Strange Situation Procedure when they had a history of experiencing rebuff of attachment behaviour. The child’s needs are frequently not met and the child comes to believe that communication of needs has no influence on the caregiver. Ainsworth’s student Mary Main theorised that avoidant behaviour in the Strange Situational Procedure should be regarded as “a conditional strategy, which paradoxically permits whatever proximity is possible under conditions of maternal rejection” by de-emphasising attachment needs.[41] Main proposed that avoidance has two functions for an infant whose caregiver is consistently unresponsive to their needs. Firstly, avoidant behaviour allows the infant to maintain a conditional proximity with the caregiver: close enough to maintain protection, but distant enough to avoid rebuff. Secondly, the cognitive processes organising avoidant behaviour could help direct attention away from the unfulfilled desire for closeness with the caregiver — avoiding a situation in which the child is overwhelmed with emotion (‘disorganised distress’), and therefore unable to maintain control of themselves and achieve even conditional proximity.[42]
Disorganized/disoriented attachment[edit]
Ainsworth herself was the first to find difficulties in fitting all infant behaviour into the three classifications used in her Baltimore study. Ainsworth and colleagues sometimes observed “tense movements such as hunching the shoulders, putting the hands behind the neck and tensely cocking the head, and so on. It was our clear impression that such tension movements signified stress, both because they tended to occur chiefly in the separation episodes and because they tended to be prodromal to crying. Indeed, our hypothesis is that they occur when a child is attempting to control crying, for they tend to vanish if and when crying breaks through.”[43] Such observations also appeared in the doctoral theses of Ainsworth’s students. Crittenden, for example, noted that one abused infant in her doctoral sample was classed as secure (B) by her undergraduate coders because her strange situation behavior was “without either avoidance or ambivalence, she did show stress-related stereotypic headcocking throughout the strange situation. This pervasive behavior, however, was the only clue to the extent of her stress.”[44]
Drawing on records of behaviours discrepant with the A, B and C classifications, a fourth classification was added by Ainsworth’s colleague Mary Main.[45] In the Strange Situation, the attachment system is expected to be activated by the departure and return of the caregiver. If the behaviour of the infant does not appear to the observer to be coordinated in a smooth way across episodes to achieve either proximity or some relative proximity with the caregiver, then it is considered ‘disorganised’ as it indicates a disruption or flooding of the attachment system (e.g. by fear). Infant behaviours in the Strange Situation Protocol coded as disorganised/disoriented include overt displays of fear; contradictory behaviours or affects occurring simultaneously or sequentially; stereotypic, asymmetric, misdirected or jerky movements; or freezing and apparent dissociation. Lyons-Ruth has urged, however, that it should be wider “recognized that 52% of disorganized infants continue to approach the caregiver, seek comfort, and cease their distress without clear ambivalent or avoidant behavior.”[46]
There is rapidly growing interest in disorganized attachment from clinicians and policy-makers as well as researchers.[47] Yet the Disorganized/disoriented attachment (D) classification has been criticised by some for being too encompassing.[48] In 1990, Ainsworth put in print her blessing for the new ‘D’ classification, though she urged that the addition be regarded as “open-ended, in the sense that subcategories may be distinguished”, as she worried that the D classification might be too encompassing and might treat too many different forms of behaviour as if they were the same thing.[49] Indeed, the D classification puts together infants who use a somewhat disrupted secure (B) strategy with those who seem hopeless and show little attachment behaviour; it also puts together infants who run to hide when they see their caregiver in the same classification as those who show an avoidant (A) strategy on the first reunion and then an ambivalent-resistant (C) strategy on the second reunion. Perhaps responding to such concerns, George and Solomon have divided among indices of Disorganized/disoriented attachment (D) in the Strange Situation, treating some of the behaviours as a ‘strategy of desperation’ and others as evidence that the attachment system has been flooded (e.g. by fear, or anger).[50] Crittenden also argues that some behaviour classified as Disorganized/disoriented can be regarded as more ’emergency’ versions of the avoidant and/or ambivalent/resistant strategies, and function to maintain the protective availability of the caregiver to some degree. Sroufe et al. have agreed that “even disorganised attachment behaviour (simultaneous approach-avoidance; freezing, etc.) enables a degree of proximity in the face of a frightening or unfathomable parent.”[51] However, “the presumption that many indices of ‘disorganisation’ are aspects of organised patterns does not preclude acceptance of the notion of disorganisation, especially in cases where the complexity and dangerousness of the threat are beyond children’s capacity for response.”[52] For example, “Children placed in care, especially more than once, often have intrusions. In videos of the Strange Situation Procedure, they tend to occur when a rejected/neglected child approaches the stranger in an intrusion of desire for comfort, then loses muscular control and falls to the floor, overwhelmed by the intruding fear of the unknown, potentially dangerous, strange person.”[53]
Main and Hesse[54] found that most of the mothers of these children had suffered major losses or other trauma shortly before or after the birth of the infant and had reacted by becoming severely depressed.[55] In fact, 56% of mothers who had lost a parent by death before they completed high school subsequently had children with disorganized attachments.[54] Subsequently studies, whilst emphasising the potential importance of unresolved loss, have qualified these findings.[56] For example, Solomon and George found that unresolved loss in the mother tended to be associated with disorganised attachment in their infant primarily when they had also experienced an unresolved trauma in their life prior to the loss.[57]
Later patterns and the dynamic-maturational model[edit]
Techniques have been developed to allow verbal ascertainment of the child’s state of mind with respect to attachment. An example is the “stem story”, in which a child is given the beginning of a story that raises attachment issues and asked to complete it. For older children, adolescents and adults, semi-structured interviews are used in which the manner of relaying content may be as significant as the content itself.[58] However, there are no substantially validated measures of attachment for middle childhood or early adolescence (approximately 7 to 13 years of age).[59] Some studies of older children have identified further attachment classifications. Main and Cassidy observed that disorganized behavior in infancy can develop into a child using caregiving-controlling or punitive behaviour in order to manage a helpless or dangerously unpredictable caregiver. In these cases, the child’s behaviour is organised, but the behaviour is treated by researchers as a form of ‘disorganization’ (D) since the hierarchy in the family is no longer organised according to parenting authority.[60]
Patricia McKinsey Crittenden has elaborated classifications of further forms of avoidant and ambivalent attachment behaviour. These include the caregiving and punitive behaviours also identified by Main and Cassidy (termed A3 and C3 respectively), but also other patterns such as compulsive compliance with the wishes of a threatening parent (A4).[61]
Crittenden’s ideas developed from Bowlby’s proposal that “given certain adverse circumstances during childhood, the selective exclusion of information of certain sorts may be adaptive. Yet, when during adolescence and adult the situation changes, the persistent exclusion of the same forms of information may become maladaptive”.[62]
Crittenden proposed that the basic components of human experience of danger are two kinds of information:[63]
1. ‘Affective information’ – the emotions provoked by the potential for danger, such as anger or fear. Crittenden terms this “affective information”. In childhood this information would include emotions provoked by the unexplained absence of an attachment figure. Where an infant is faced with insensitive or rejecting parenting, one strategy for maintaining the availability of their attachment figure is to try to exclude from consciousness or from expressed behaviour any emotional information that might result in rejection.
2. Causal or other sequentially-ordered knowledge about the potential for safety or danger. In childhood this would include knowledge regarding the behaviours that indicate an attachment figure’s availability as a secure haven. If knowledge regarding the behaviours that indicate an attachment figure’s availability as a secure haven is subject to segregation, then the infant can try to keep the attention of their caregiver through clingy or aggressive behaviour, or alternating combinations of the two. Such behaviour may increase the availability of an attachment figure who otherwise displays inconsistent or misleading responses to the infant’s attachment behaviours, suggesting the unreliability of protection and safety.[64]
Crittenden proposes that both kinds of information can be split off from consciousness or behavioural expression as a ‘strategy’ to maintain the availability of an attachment figure: “Type A strategies were hypothesized to be based on reducing perception of threat to reduce the disposition to respond. Type C was hypothesized to be based on heightening perception of threat to increase the disposition to respond.”[65] Type A strategies split off emotional information about feeling threatened and type C strategies split off temporally-sequenced knowledge about how and why the attachment figure is available. By contrast, type B strategies effectively utilise both kinds of information without much distortion.[66] For example: a toddler may have come to depend upon a type C strategy of tantrums in working to maintain the availability of an attachment figure whose inconsistent availability has led the child to distrust or distort causal information about their apparent behaviour. This may lead their attachment figure to get a clearer grasp on their needs and the appropriate response to their attachment behaviours. Experiencing more reliable and predictable information about the availability of their attachment figure, the toddler then no longer needs to use coercive behaviours with the goal of maintaining their caregiver’s availability and can develop a secure attachment to their caregiver since they trust that their needs and communications will be heeded.
Significance of patterns[edit]
Research based on data from longitudinal studies, such as the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Study of Early Child Care and the Minnesota Study of Risk and Adaption from Birth to Adulthood, and from cross-sectional studies, consistently shows associations between early attachment classifications and peer relationships as to both quantity and quality. Lyons-Ruth, for example, found that “for each additional withdrawing behavior displayed by mothers in relation to their infant’s attachment cues in the Strange Situation Procedure, the likelihood of clinical referral by service providers was increased by 50%.”[67] There is an extensive body of research demonstrating a significant association between attachment organizations and children’s functioning across multiple domains.[68] Early insecure attachment does not necessarily predict difficulties, but it is a liability for the child, particularly if similar parental behaviours continue throughout childhood.[69] Compared to that of securely attached children, the adjustment of insecure children in many spheres of life is not as soundly based, putting their future relationships in jeopardy. Although the link is not fully established by research and there are other influences besides attachment, secure infants are more likely to become socially competent than their insecure peers. Relationships formed with peers influence the acquisition of social skills, intellectual development and the formation of social identity. Classification of children’s peer status (popular, neglected or rejected) has been found to predict subsequent adjustment.[58] Insecure children, particularly avoidant children, are especially vulnerable to family risk. Their social and behavioural problems increase or decline with deterioration or improvement in parenting. However, an early secure attachment appears to have a lasting protective function.[70] As with attachment to parental figures, subsequent experiences may alter the course of development.[58] Studies have suggested that infants with a high-risk for Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) may express attachment security differently from infants with a low-risk for ASD.[71] Behavioral problems and social competence in insecure children increase or decline with deterioration or improvement in quality of parenting and the degree of risk in the family environment.[70] Some authors have questioned the idea that a taxonomy of categories representing a qualitative difference in attachment relationships can be developed. Examination of data from 1,139 15-month-olds showed that variation in attachment patterns was continuous rather than grouped.[72] This criticism introduces important questions for attachment typologies and the mechanisms behind apparent types. However, it has relatively little relevance for attachment theory itself, which “neither requires nor predicts discrete patterns of attachment.”[73] There is some evidence that gender differences in attachment patterns of adaptive significance begin to emerge in middle childhood. Insecure attachment and early psychosocial stress indicate the presence of environmental risk (for example poverty, mental illness, instability, minority status, violence). Environmental risk can cause insecure attachment, while also favouring the development of strategies for earlier reproduction. Different reproductive strategies have different adaptive values for males and females: Insecure males tend to adopt avoidant strategies, whereas insecure females tend to adopt anxious/ambivalent strategies, unless they are in a very high risk environment. Adrenarche is proposed as the endocrine mechanism underlying the reorganization of insecure attachment in middle childhood.[74]
Changes in attachment during childhood and adolescence[edit]
Age, cognitive growth, and continued social experience advance the development and complexity of the internal working model. Attachment-related behaviours lose some characteristics typical of the infant-toddler period and take on age-related tendencies. The preschool period involves the use of negotiation and bargaining.[75] For example, four-year-olds are not distressed by separation if they and their caregiver have already negotiated a shared plan for the separation and reunion.[76]
Three children aged about six years are in a group on the ground, a boy and girl kneeling and another boy seated cross-legged. The two kneeling children hold marbles. There are other marbles in a bag on the ground. They appear to be negotiating over the marbles. The third child is watching.
Peers become important in middle childhood and have an influence distinct from that of parents.
Ideally, these social skills become incorporated into the internal working model to be used with other children and later with adult peers. As children move into the school years at about six years old, most develop a goal-corrected partnership with parents, in which each partner is willing to compromise in order to maintain a gratifying relationship.[75] By middle childhood, the goal of the attachment behavioural system has changed from proximity to the attachment figure to availability. Generally, a child is content with longer separations, provided contact—or the possibility of physically reuniting, if needed—is available. Attachment behaviours such as clinging and following decline and self-reliance increases. By middle childhood (ages 7–11), there may be a shift toward mutual coregulation of secure-base contact in which caregiver and child negotiate methods of maintaining communication and supervision as the child moves toward a greater degree of independence.[75]
Attachment in adults[edit]
Main article: Attachment in adults
See also: Attachment measures
Attachment theory was extended to adult romantic relationships in the late 1980s by Cindy Hazan and Phillip Shaver. Four styles of attachment have been identified in adults: secure, anxious-preoccupied, dismissive-avoidant and fearful-avoidant. These roughly correspond to infant classifications: secure, insecure-ambivalent, insecure-avoidant and disorganized/disoriented.
Securely attached adults tend to have positive views of themselves, their partners and their relationships. They feel comfortable with intimacy and independence, balancing the two. Anxious-preoccupied adults seek high levels of intimacy, approval and responsiveness from partners, becoming overly dependent. They tend to be less trusting, have less positive views about themselves and their partners, and may exhibit high levels of emotional expressiveness, worry and impulsiveness in their relationships. Dismissive-avoidant adults desire a high level of independence, often appearing to avoid attachment altogether. They view themselves as self-sufficient, invulnerable to attachment feelings and not needing close relationships. They tend to suppress their feelings, dealing with rejection by distancing themselves from partners of whom they often have a poor opinion. Fearful-avoidant adults have mixed feelings about close relationships, both desiring and feeling uncomfortable with emotional closeness. They tend to mistrust their partners and view themselves as unworthy. Like dismissive-avoidant adults, fearful-avoidant adults tend to seek less intimacy, suppressing their feelings.[77][78][79][80]
A young couple relax under a tree. The man lies on his back looking up at the woman. The woman, with striking long blond hair and sunglasses, is seated by his head, looking down at him and with her hand placed round his head. Both are laughing
Attachment styles in adult romantic relationships roughly correspond to attachment styles in infants but adults can hold different internal working models for different relationships.
Two main aspects of adult attachment have been studied. The organization and stability of the mental working models that underlie the attachment styles is explored by social psychologists interested in romantic attachment.[81][82] Developmental psychologists interested in the individual’s state of mind with respect to attachment generally explore how attachment functions in relationship dynamics and impacts relationship outcomes. The organisation of mental working models is more stable while the individual’s state of mind with respect to attachment fluctuates more. Some authors have suggested that adults do not hold a single set of working models. Instead, on one level they have a set of rules and assumptions about attachment relationships in general. On another level they hold information about specific relationships or relationship events. Information at different levels need not be consistent. Individuals can therefore hold different internal working models for different relationships.[82][83]
There are a number of different measures of adult attachment, the most common being self-report questionnaires and coded interviews based on the Adult Attachment Interview. The various measures were developed primarily as research tools, for different purposes and addressing different domains, for example romantic relationships, parental relationships or peer relationships. Some classify an adult’s state of mind with respect to attachment and attachment patterns by reference to childhood experiences, while others assess relationship behaviours and security regarding parents and peers.[84]
Main article: History of attachment theory
See also: Maternal deprivation
Maternal deprivation[edit]
The early thinking of the object relations school of psychoanalysis, particularly Melanie Klein, influenced Bowlby. However, he profoundly disagreed with the prevalent psychoanalytic belief that infants’ responses relate to their internal fantasy life rather than real-life events. As Bowlby formulated his concepts, he was influenced by case studies on disturbed and delinquent children, such as those of William Goldfarb published in 1943 and 1945.[85][86]
Two rows of little boys, about 20 in total, kneel before their beds in the dormitory of a residential nursery. Their eyes are shut and they are in an attitude of prayer. They wear long white night gowns and behind them are their iron framed beds.
Prayer time in the Five Points House of Industry residential nursery, 1888. The maternal deprivation hypothesis published in 1951 caused a revolution in the use of residential nurseries.
Bowlby’s contemporary René Spitz observed separated children’s grief, proposing that “psychotoxic” results were brought about by inappropriate experiences of early care.[87][88] A strong influence was the work of social worker and psychoanalyst James Robertson who filmed the effects of separation on children in hospital. He and Bowlby collaborated in making the 1952 documentary film A Two-Year Old Goes to the Hospital which was instrumental in a campaign to alter hospital restrictions on visits by parents.[89]
In his 1951 monograph for the World Health Organisation, Maternal Care and Mental Health, Bowlby put forward the hypothesis that “the infant and young child should experience a warm, intimate, and continuous relationship with his mother in which both find satisfaction and enjoyment”, the lack of which may have significant and irreversible mental health consequences. This was also published as Child Care and the Growth of Love for public consumption. The central proposition was influential but highly controversial.[90] At the time there was limited empirical data and no comprehensive theory to account for such a conclusion.[91] Nevertheless, Bowlby’s theory sparked considerable interest in the nature of early relationships, giving a strong impetus to, (in the words of Mary Ainsworth), a “great body of research” in an extremely difficult, complex area.[90] Bowlby’s work (and Robertson’s films) caused a virtual revolution in hospital visiting by parents, hospital provision for children’s play, educational and social needs and the use of residential nurseries. Over time, orphanages were abandoned in favour of foster care or family-style homes in most developed countries.[92]
Following the publication of Maternal Care and Mental Health, Bowlby sought new understanding from the fields of evolutionary biology, ethology, developmental psychology, cognitive science and control systems theory. He formulated the innovative proposition that mechanisms underlying an infant’s emotional tie to the caregiver(s) emerged as a result of evolutionary pressure. He set out to develop a theory of motivation and behaviour control built on science rather than Freud’s psychic energy model. Bowlby argued that with attachment theory he had made good the “deficiencies of the data and the lack of theory to link alleged cause and effect” of Maternal Care and Mental Health.[93]
A young mother kneels in a garden with her two children. A baby sits astride her knee facing outwards and looking away from the camera. A toddler stands slightly in front of his mother holding a spade and frowning at the camera.
Infant exploration is greater when the caregiver is present; with the caregiver present, the infant’s attachment system is relaxed and they are free to explore.
Bowlby’s attention was first drawn to ethology when he read Konrad Lorenz’s 1952 publication in draft form (although Lorenz had published earlier work).[94] Other important influences were ethologists Nikolaas Tinbergen and Robert Hinde.[95] Bowlby subsequently collaborated with Hinde.[96] In 1953 Bowlby stated “the time is ripe for a unification of psychoanalytic concepts with those of ethology, and to pursue the rich vein of research which this union suggests.”[97] Konrad Lorenz had examined the phenomenon of “imprinting”, a behaviour characteristic of some birds and mammals which involves rapid learning of recognition by the young, of a conspecific or comparable object. After recognition comes a tendency to follow.
A young woman in rubber boots is walking through a muddy clearing in a wood at Kostroma Moose Farm followed by a very young moose, struggling to keep up
This bottle-fed young moose has developed an attachment to its caregiver.
The learning is possible only within a limited age range known as a critical period. Bowlby’s concepts included the idea that attachment involved learning from experience during a limited age period, influenced by adult behaviour. He did not apply the imprinting concept in its entirety to human attachment. However, he considered that attachment behaviour was best explained as instinctive, combined with the effect of experience, stressing the readiness the child brings to social interactions.[98] Over time it became apparent there were more differences than similarities between attachment theory and imprinting so the analogy was dropped.[22]
Ethologists expressed concern about the adequacy of some research on which attachment theory was based, particularly the generalisation to humans from animal studies.[99][100] Schur, discussing Bowlby’s use of ethological concepts (pre-1960) commented that concepts used in attachment theory had not kept up with changes in ethology itself.[101] Ethologists and others writing in the 1960s and 1970s questioned and expanded the types of behaviour used as indications of attachment.[102] Observational studies of young children in natural settings provided other behaviours that might indicate attachment; for example, staying within a predictable distance of the mother without effort on her part and picking up small objects, bringing them to the mother but not to others.[103] Although ethologists tended to be in agreement with Bowlby, they pressed for more data, objecting to psychologists writing as if there were an “entity which is ‘attachment’, existing over and above the observable measures.”[104] Robert Hinde considered “attachment behaviour system” to be an appropriate term which did not offer the same problems “because it refers to postulated control systems that determine the relations between different kinds of behaviour.”[105]
Several lines of school children march diagonally from top right to bottom left. Each carries a bag or bundle and each raises their right arm in the air in a salute. Adults stand in a line across the bottom right hand corner making the same gesture.
Evacuation of smiling Japanese school children in World War II from the book Road to Catastrophe
Psychoanalytic concepts influenced Bowlby’s view of attachment, in particular, the observations by Anna Freud and Dorothy Burlingham of young children separated from familiar caregivers during World War II.[106] However, Bowlby rejected psychoanalytical explanations for early infant bonds including “drive theory” in which the motivation for attachment derives from gratification of hunger and libidinal drives. He called this the “cupboard-love” theory of relationships. In his view it failed to see attachment as a psychological bond in its own right rather than an instinct derived from feeding or sexuality.[107] Based on ideas of primary attachment and Neo-Darwinism, Bowlby identified what he saw as fundamental flaws in psychoanalysis: the overemphasis of internal dangers rather than external threat, and the view of the development of personality via linear phases with regression to fixed points accounting for psychological distress. He instead posited that several lines of development were possible, the outcome of which depended on the interaction between the organism and the environment. In attachment this would mean that although a developing child has a propensity to form attachments, the nature of those attachments depends on the environment to which the child is exposed.[108]
From early in the development of attachment theory there was criticism of the theory’s lack of congruence with various branches of psychoanalysis. Bowlby’s decisions left him open to criticism from well-established thinkers working on similar problems.[109][110][111]
Internal working model[edit]
Bowlby adopted the important concept of the internal working model of social relationships from the work on mental models by the philosopher Kenneth Craik[citation needed]. Craik had noted the adaptability of the ability of thought to predict events. He stressed the survival value of and natural selection for this ability. According to Craik, prediction occurs when a “small-scale model” consisting of brain events is used to represent not only the external environment, but the individual’s own possible actions[citation needed]. This model allows a person to try out alternatives mentally, using knowledge of the past while responding to the present and future. At around the same time Bowlby was applying Craik’s ideas to attachment, other psychologists were applying these concepts to adult perception and cognition.[112]
An infant’s internal working model is organized around the accessibility and responsiveness of his or her caregiver[citation needed]. Each organization is developed in response to the infant’s experience of the outcomes of his or her proximity-seeking behaviors. If the caregiver is accepting of these proximity-seeking behaviors and grants access, the infant develops a secure organization; if the caregiver consistently denies the infant access, an avoidant organization develops; and if the caregiver inconsistently grants access, an ambivalent organization develops.[113]
In the 1970s, problems with viewing attachment as a trait (stable characteristic of an individual) rather than as a type of behaviour with organising functions and outcomes, led some authors to the conclusion that attachment behaviours were best understood in terms of their functions in the child’s life.[114] This way of thinking saw the secure base concept as central to attachment theory’s logic, coherence, and status as an organizational construct.[115] Following this argument, the assumption that attachment is expressed identically in all humans cross-culturally was examined.[116] The research showed that though there were cultural differences, the three basic patterns, secure, avoidant and ambivalent, can be found in every culture in which studies have been undertaken, even where communal sleeping arrangements are the norm.
On the right a young boy of asiatic appearance with a pudding basin haircut, leans over a baby lying on its back on the left. The boy and baby are touching noses. The baby gazes up at the boy with an expression of intense interest.
Research indicates that attachment pattern distributions are consistent across cultures, although the manner in which attachment is expressed may differ.
Selection of the secure pattern is found in the majority of children across cultures studied. This follows logically from the fact that attachment theory provides for infants to adapt to changes in the environment, selecting optimal behavioural strategies.[117] How attachment is expressed shows cultural variations which need to be ascertained before studies can be undertaken; for example Gusii infants are greeted with a handshake rather than a hug. Securely attached Gusii infants anticipate and seek this contact. There are also differences in the distribution of insecure patterns based on cultural differences in child-rearing practices.[117]
The biggest challenge to the notion of the universality of attachment theory came from studies conducted in Japan where the concept of amae plays a prominent role in describing family relationships. Arguments revolved around the appropriateness of the use of the Strange Situation procedure where amae is practiced. Ultimately research tended to confirm the universality hypothesis of attachment theory.[117] Most recently a 2007 study conducted in Sapporo in Japan found attachment distributions consistent with global norms using the six-year Main and Cassidy scoring system for attachment classification.[118][119]
Critics in the 1990s such as J. R. Harris, Steven Pinker and Jerome Kagan were generally concerned with the concept of infant determinism (nature versus nurture), stressing the effects of later experience on personality.[120][121][122] Building on the work on temperament of Stella Chess, Kagan rejected almost every assumption on which attachment theory etiology was based. He argued that heredity was far more important than the transient effects of early environment. For example a child with an inherently difficult temperament would not elicit sensitive behavioural responses from a caregiver. The debate spawned considerable research and analysis of data from the growing number of longitudinal studies. Subsequent research has not borne out Kagan’s argument, broadly demonstrating that it is the caregiver’s behaviours that form the child’s attachment style, although how this style is expressed may differ with temperament.[123] Harris and Pinker put forward the notion that the influence of parents had been much exaggerated, arguing that socialisation took place primarily in peer groups. H. Rudolph Schaffer concluded that parents and peers had different functions, fulfilling distinctive roles in children’s development.[124]
Psychoanalyst/psychologists Peter Fonagy and Mary Target have attempted to bring attachment theory and psychoanalysis into a closer relationship through cognitive science as mentalization. Mentalization, or theory of mind, is the capacity of human beings to guess with some accuracy what thoughts, emotions and intentions lie behind behaviours as subtle as facial expression.[125] This connection between theory of mind and the internal working model may open new areas of study, leading to alterations in attachment theory.[126] Since the late 1980s, there has been a developing rapprochement between attachment theory and psychoanalysis, based on common ground as elaborated by attachment theorists and researchers, and a change in what psychoanalysts consider to be central to psychoanalysis. Object relations models which emphasise the autonomous need for a relationship have become dominant and are linked to a growing recognition within psychoanalysis of the importance of infant development in the context of relationships and internalised representations. Psychoanalysis has recognised the formative nature of a child’s early environment including the issue of childhood trauma. A psychoanalytically based exploration of the attachment system and an accompanying clinical approach has emerged together with a recognition of the need for measurement of outcomes of interventions.[127]
A couple stand on the front steps of a house. The man, aged about 30, dressed in grey flannels and a white shirt, holds a baby girl in his arms and gazes at her. The woman, dressed in a frock and co-respondent shoes from the 1930s stands next to them, touching the baby girl and smiling at the camera. The baby is dressed in a white frilly frock, white shoes and with a white ribbon in her hair.
Authors considering attachment in non-western cultures have noted the connection of attachment theory with Western family and child care patterns characteristic of Bowlby’s time.
One focus of attachment research has been the difficulties of children whose attachment history was poor, including those with extensive non-parental child care experiences. Concern with the effects of child care was intense during the so-called “day care wars” of the late 20th century, during which some authors stressed the deleterious effects of day care.[128] As a result of this controversy, training of child care professionals has come to stress attachment issues, including the need for relationship-building by the assignment of a child to a specific carer. Although only high-quality child care settings are likely to provide this, more infants in child care receive attachment-friendly care than in the past.[129] A natural experiment permitted extensive study of attachment issues as researchers followed thousands of Romanian orphans adopted into Western families after the end of the Nicolae Ceauşescu regime. The English and Romanian Adoptees Study Team, led by Michael Rutter, followed some of the children into their teens, attempting to unravel the effects of poor attachment, adoption, new relationships, physical problems and medical issues associated with their early lives. Studies of these adoptees, whose initial conditions were shocking, yielded reason for optimism as many of the children developed quite well. Researchers noted that separation from familiar people is only one of many factors that help to determine the quality of development.[130] Although higher rates of atypical insecure attachment patterns were found compared to native-born or early-adopted samples, 70% of later-adopted children exhibited no marked or severe attachment disorder behaviours.[68]
Authors considering attachment in non-Western cultures have noted the connection of attachment theory with Western family and child care patterns characteristic of Bowlby’s time.[131] As children’s experience of care changes, so may attachment-related experiences. For example, changes in attitudes toward female sexuality have greatly increased the numbers of children living with their never-married mothers or being cared for outside the home while the mothers work. This social change has made it more difficult for childless people to adopt infants in their own countries. There has been an increase in the number of older-child adoptions and adoptions from third-world sources in first-world countries. Adoptions and births to same-sex couples have increased in number and gained legal protection, compared to their status in Bowlby’s time.[132] Issues have been raised to the effect that the dyadic model characteristic of attachment theory cannot address the complexity of real-life social experiences, as infants often have multiple relationships within the family and in child care settings.[133] It is suggested these multiple relationships influence one another reciprocally, at least within a family.[134]
Principles of attachment theory have been used to explain adult social behaviours, including mating, social dominance and hierarchical power structures, in-group identification,[135] group coalitions, and negotiation of reciprocity and justice.[136] Those explanations have been used to design parental care training, and have been particularly successful in the design of child abuse prevention programmes.[137]
While a wide variety of studies have upheld the basic tenets of attachment theory, research has been inconclusive as to whether self-reported early attachment and later depression are demonstrably related.[138]
Biology of attachment[edit]
In addition to longitudinal studies, there has been psychophysiological research on the biology of attachment.[139] Research has begun to include neural development,[140] behaviour genetics and temperament concepts.[123] Generally, temperament and attachment constitute separate developmental domains, but aspects of both contribute to a range of interpersonal and intrapersonal developmental outcomes.[123] Some types of temperament may make some individuals susceptible to the stress of unpredictable or hostile relationships with caregivers in the early years.[141] In the absence of available and responsive caregivers it appears that some children are particularly vulnerable to developing attachment disorders.[142]
In psychophysiological research on attachment, the two main areas studied have been autonomic responses, such as heart rate or respiration, and the activity of the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis. Infants’ physiological responses have been measured during the Strange Situation procedure looking at individual differences in infant temperament and the extent to which attachment acts as a moderator. There is some evidence that the quality of caregiving shapes the development of the neurological systems which regulate stress.[139]
Another issue is the role of inherited genetic factors in shaping attachments: for example one type of polymorphism of the gene coding for the D2 dopamine receptor has been linked to anxious attachment and another in the gene for the 5-HT2A serotonin receptor with avoidant attachment.[143] This suggests that the influence of maternal care on attachment security is not the same for all children. One theoretical basis for this is that it makes biological sense for children to vary in their susceptibility to rearing influence.[128]
Practical applications[edit]
As a theory of socioemotional development, attachment theory has implications and practical applications in social policy, decisions about the care and welfare of children and mental health.
Child care policies[edit]
Social policies concerning the care of children were the driving force in Bowlby’s development of attachment theory. The difficulty lies in applying attachment concepts to policy and practice.[144] This is because the theory emphasises the importance of continuity and sensitivity in caregiving relationships rather than a behavioural approach on stimulation or reinforcement of child behaviours.[145] In 2008 C.H. Zeanah and colleagues stated, “Supporting early child-parent relationships is an increasingly prominent goal of mental health practitioners, community-based service providers and policy makers … Attachment theory and research have generated important findings concerning early child development and spurred the creation of programs to support early child-parent relationships.”[146]
Historically, attachment theory had significant policy implications for hospitalised or institutionalised children, and those in poor quality daycare.[147] Controversy remains over whether non-maternal care, particularly in group settings, has deleterious effects on social development. It is plain from research that poor quality care carries risks but that those who experience good quality alternative care cope well although it is difficult to provide good quality, individualised care in group settings.[144]
Attachment theory has implications in residence and contact disputes,[147] and applications by foster parents to adopt foster children. In the past, particularly in North America, the main theoretical framework was psychoanalysis. Increasingly attachment theory has replaced it, thus focusing on the quality and continuity of caregiver relationships rather than economic well-being or automatic precedence of any one party, such as the biological mother. Rutter noted that in the UK, since 1980, family courts have shifted considerably to recognize the complications of attachment relationships.[145] Children tend to have attachment relationships with both parents and often grandparents or other relatives. Judgements need to take this into account along with the impact of step-families. Attachment theory has been crucial in highlighting the importance of social relationships in dynamic rather than fixed terms.[144]
Attachment theory can also inform decisions made in social work, especially in humanistic social work (Petru Stefaroi),[148][149] and court processes about foster care or other placements. Considering the child’s attachment needs can help determine the level of risk posed by placement options.[150][151] Within adoption, the shift from “closed” to “open” adoptions and the importance of the search for biological parents would be expected on the basis of attachment theory. Many researchers in the field were strongly influenced by it.[144]
Clinical practice in children[edit]
Although attachment theory has become a major scientific theory of socioemotional development with one of the broadest, deepest research lines in modern psychology, it has, until recently, been less used in clinical practice than theories with far less empirical support.[citation needed]
A young father dressed in a pink cotton shirt holds his child and gazes at the camera looking proud but tired. The little girl, wearing a sleeveless dress, sits on her father’s arm and frowns directly at the camera.
Children tend to have attachment relationships with both parents and often grandparents or other relatives.
This may be partly due to lack of attention paid to clinical application by Bowlby himself and partly due to broader meanings of the word ‘attachment’ used amongst practitioners. It may also be partly due to the mistaken association of attachment theory with the pseudoscientific interventions misleadingly known as “attachment therapy”.[152]
Prevention and treatment[edit]
Main article: Attachment-based therapy (children)
In 1988, Bowlby published a series of lectures indicating how attachment theory and research could be used in understanding and treating child and family disorders. His focus for bringing about change was the parents’ internal working models, parenting behaviours and the parents’ relationship with the therapeutic intervenor.[153] Ongoing research has led to a number of individual treatments and prevention and intervention programmes.[153] They range from individual therapy to public health programmes to interventions designed for foster carers. For infants and younger children, the focus is on increasing the responsiveness and sensitivity of the caregiver, or if that is not possible, placing the child with a different caregiver.[154][155] An assessment of the attachment status or caregiving responses of the caregiver is invariably included, as attachment is a two-way process involving attachment behaviour and caregiver response. Some programmes are aimed at foster carers because the attachment behaviours of infants or children with attachment difficulties often do not elicit appropriate caregiver responses. Modern prevention and intervention programmes have proven successful.[156]
Reactive attachment disorder and attachment disorder[edit]
Main articles: Reactive attachment disorder and Attachment disorder
One atypical attachment pattern is considered to be an actual disorder, known as reactive attachment disorder or RAD, which is a recognized psychiatric diagnosis (ICD-10 F94.1/2 and DSM-IV-TR 313.89). Against common misconception, this is not the same as ‘disorganised attachment’. The essential feature of reactive attachment disorder is markedly disturbed and developmentally inappropriate social relatedness in most contexts that begins before age five years, associated with gross pathological care. There are two subtypes, one reflecting a disinhibited attachment pattern, the other an inhibited pattern. RAD is not a description of insecure attachment styles, however problematic those styles may be; instead, it denotes a lack of age-appropriate attachment behaviours that amounts to a clinical disorder.[157] Although the term “reactive attachment disorder” is now popularly applied to perceived behavioural difficulties that fall outside the DSM or ICD criteria, particularly on the Web and in connection with the pseudo-scientific attachment therapy, “true” RAD is thought to be rare.[158]
“Attachment disorder” is an ambiguous term, which may be used to refer to reactive attachment disorder or to the more problematical insecure attachment styles (although none of these are clinical disorders). It may also be used to refer to proposed new classification systems put forward by theorists in the field,[159] and is used within attachment therapy as a form of unvalidated diagnosis.[158] One of the proposed new classifications, “secure base distortion” has been found to be associated with caregiver traumatization.[160]
Clinical practice in adults and families[edit]
Main articles: Attachment-based psychotherapy and Emotionally focused therapy
As attachment theory offers a broad, far-reaching view of human functioning, it can enrich a therapist’s understanding of patients and the therapeutic relationship rather than dictate a particular form of treatment.[161] Some forms of psychoanalysis-based therapy for adults—within relational psychoanalysis and other approaches—also incorporate attachment theory and patterns.[161][162] In the first decade of the 21st century, key concepts of attachment were incorporated into existing models of behavioural couple therapy, multidimensional family therapy and couple and family therapy. Specifically attachment-centred interventions have been developed, such as attachment-based family therapy and emotionally focused therapy.[163][164]
Attachment theory and research laid the foundation for the development of the understanding of “mentalization” or reflective functioning and its presence, absence or distortion in psychopathology. The dynamics of an individual’s attachment organization and their capacity for mentalization can play a crucial role in the capacity to be helped by treatment.[161][165]
See also[edit]
Attachment parenting
Fathers as attachment figures
Human bonding
Nurture kinship
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Bowlby J (1953). Child Care and the Growth of Love. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-020271-7.(version of WHO publication Maternal Care and Mental Health published for sale to the general public)
Bowlby J (1969). Attachment. Attachment and Loss. Vol. I. London: Hogarth. (page numbers refer to Pelican edition 1971)
Bowlby J (1999) [1982]. Attachment. Attachment and Loss Vol. I (2nd ed.). New York: Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-00543-8. LCCN 00266879. OCLC 11442968. NLM 8412414.
Bowlby J (1979). The Making and Breaking of Affectional Bonds. London: Tavistock Publications. ISBN 978-0-422-76860-3.
Bowlby J (1988). A Secure Base: Clinical Applications of Attachment Theory. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-00640-6.
Craik K (1943). The Nature of Explanation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-09445-0.
Holmes J (1993). John Bowlby & Attachment Theory. Makers of modern psychotherapy. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-07729-X.
Karen R (1998). Becoming Attached: First Relationships and How They Shape Our Capacity to Love. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-511501-5.
Landa, S. & Duschinsky, R. “Crittenden’s dynamic–maturational model of attachment and adaptation.” Review of General Psychology 17.3 (2013): 326-338.
McCarthy, G., & Taylor, A. (1999). Avoidant/Ambivalent Attachment Style as a Mediator between Abusive Childhood Experiences and Adult Relationship Difficulties. Cambridge University Press, 40(3), 465-477. doi: 10.1111/1469-7610.00463
Mercer J (2006). Understanding Attachment: Parenting, child care, and emotional development. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0-275-98217-3. LCCN 2005019272. OCLC 61115448.
Prior V, Glaser D (2006). Understanding Attachment and Attachment Disorders: Theory, Evidence and Practice. Child and Adolescent Mental Health, RCPRTU. London and Philadelphia: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. ISBN 978-1-84310-245-8.
Tinbergen N (1951). The study of instinct. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-857722-5.
Further reading[edit]
Powell, B., Cooper, G., Hoffman, K., Marvin, B. (2013). The Circle of Security Intervention: Enhancing Attachment in Early Parent-Child Relationships. New York: Guilford Press. ISBN 978-1-59385-314-3.
Grossmann KE, Waters E (2005). Attachment from infancy to adulthood: The major longitudinal studies. New York: Guilford Press. ISBN 978-1-59385-381-5.
Barrett H (2006). Attachment and the perils of parenting: A commentary and a critique. London: National Family and Parenting Institute. ISBN 978-1-903615-42-3.
Crittenden PM (2008). Raising parents: attachment, parenting and child safety. Devon and Oregon: Willan Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84392-498-2.
Bell DC (2010). The Dynamics of Connection: How Evolution and Biology Create Caregiving and Attachment. Lanham MD: Lexington. ISBN 978-0-7391-4352-0.
Miller WB, Rodgers JL (2001). The Ontogeny of Human Bonding Sysytems: Evolutionary Origins, Neural Bases, and Psychological Manifestations. New York: Springer. ISBN 0-7923-7478-9.
Goodall J (1971). In the Shadow of Man. Houghton Mifflin Co. ISBN 978-0-618-05676-7.
“Attachment & Human Development”. London: Routledge. ISSN 1469-2988.
“Infant Mental Health Journal”. Michigan Association for Infant Mental Health, WAIMH. ISSN 1097-0355.
Van der Horst FCP (2011). John Bowlby – From Psychoanalysis to Ethology. Unraveling the Roots of Attachment Theory. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-470-68364-4.
Juffer F, Bakermans-Kranenburg MJ, Van IJzendoorn MH (2008). Promoting positive parenting: An attachment-based intervention. New York/London: Taylor and Francis Group. ISBN 978-0-8058-6352-9.

This Is Why I Need Experts in the Field of Psychology

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Field of Study
Not to be confused with Phycology, Physiology, or Psychiatry.
Further information: Outline of psychology and Index of psychology articles
Psychology is the study of mind and behavior. It is an academic discipline and an applied science which seeks to understand individuals and groups by establishing general principles and researching specific cases. In this field, a professional practitioner or researcher is called a psychologist and can be classified as a social, behavioral, or cognitive scientist. Psychologists attempt to understand the role of mental functions in individual and social behavior, while also exploring the physiological and biological processes that underlie cognitive functions and behaviors.

Psychologists explore concepts such as perception, cognition, attention, emotion, intelligence, phenomenology, motivation, brain functioning, personality, behavior, and interpersonal relationships, including psychological resilience, family resilience, and other areas. Psychologists of diverse orientations also consider the unconscious mind. Psychologists employ empirical methods to infer causal and correlational relationships between psychosocial variables. In addition, or in opposition, to employing empirical and deductive methods, some—especially clinical and counseling psychologists—at times rely upon symbolic interpretation and other inductive techniques. Psychology has been described as a “hub science”, with psychological findings linking to research and perspectives from the social sciences, natural sciences, medicine, humanities, and philosophy.

While psychological knowledge is often applied to the assessment and treatment of mental health problems, it is also directed towards understanding and solving problems in several spheres of human activity. By many accounts psychology ultimately aims to benefit society. The majority of psychologists are involved in some kind of therapeutic role, practicing in clinical, counseling, or school settings. Many do scientific research on a wide range of topics related to mental processes and behavior, and typically work in university psychology departments or teach in other academic settings (e.g., medical schools, hospitals). Some are employed in industrial and organizational settings, or in other areas such as human development and aging, sports, health, and the media, as well as in forensic investigation and other aspects of law.

Etymology and definitions

The word psychology derives from Greek roots meaning study of the psyche, or soul (ψυχή psukhē, “breath, spirit, soul” and -λογία -logia, “study of” or “research”). The Latin word psychologia was first used by the Croatian humanist and Latinist Marko Marulić in his book, Psichiologia de ratione animae humanae in the late 15th century or early 16th century. The earliest known reference to the word psychology in English was by Steven Blankaart in 1694 in The Physical Dictionary which refers to “Anatomy, which treats the Body, and Psychology, which treats of the Soul.”

In 1890, William James defined psychology as “the science of mental life, both of its phenomena and their conditions”. This definition enjoyed widespread currency for decades. However, this meaning was contested, notably by radical behaviorists such as John Watson, who in his 1913 manifesto defined the discipline of psychology as the acquisition of information useful to the control of behavior. Also since James defined it, the term more strongly connotes techniques of scientific experimentation.Folk psychology refers to the understanding of ordinary people, as contrasted with that of psychology professionals.


Main article: History of psychology
The ancient civilizations of Egypt, Greece, China, India, and Persia all engaged in the philosophical study of psychology. Historians note that Greek philosophers, including Thales, Plato, and Aristotle (especially in his De Anima treatise), addressed the workings of the mind. As early as the 4th century BC, Greek physician Hippocrates theorized that mental disorders had physical rather than supernatural causes.

In China, psychological understanding grew from the philosophical works of Laozi and Confucius, and later from the doctrines of Buddhism. This body of knowledge involves insights drawn from introspection and observation, as well as techniques for focused thinking and acting. It frames the universe as a division of, and interaction between, physical reality and mental reality, with an emphasis on purifying the mind in order to increase virtue and power. An ancient text known as The Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Internal Medicine identifies the brain as the nexus of wisdom and sensation, includes theories of personality based on yin–yang balance, and analyzes mental disorder in terms of physiological and social disequilibria. Chinese scholarship focused on the brain advanced in the Qing Dynasty with the work of Western-educated Fang Yizhi (1611–1671), Liu Zhi (1660–1730), and Wang Qingren (1768–1831). Wang Qingren emphasized the importance of the brain as the center of the nervous system, linked mental disorder with brain diseases, investigated the causes of dreams and insomnia, and advanced a theory of hemispheric lateralization in brain function.

Distinctions in types of awareness appear in the ancient thought of India, influenced by Hinduism. A central idea of the Upanishads is the distinction between a person’s transient mundane self and their eternal unchanging soul. Divergent Hindu doctrines, and Buddhism, have challenged this hierarchy of selves, but have all emphasized the importance of reaching higher awareness. Yoga is a range of techniques used in pursuit of this goal. Much of the Sanskrit corpus was suppressed under the British East India Company followed by the British Raj in the 1800s. However, Indian doctrines influenced Western thinking via the Theosophical Society, a New Age group which became popular among Euro-American intellectuals.

Psychology was a popular topic in Enlightenment Europe. In Germany, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) applied his principles of calculus to the mind, arguing that mental activity took place on an indivisible continuum—most notably, that among an infinity of human perceptions and desires, the difference between conscious and unconscious awareness is only a matter of degree. Christian Wolff identified psychology as its own science, writing Psychologia empirica in 1732 and Psychologia rationalis in 1734. This notion advanced further under Immanuel Kant, who established the idea of anthropology, with psychology as an important subdivision. However, Kant explicitly and notoriously rejected the idea of experimental psychology, writing that “the empirical doctrine of the soul can also never approach chemistry even as a systematic art of analysis or experimental doctrine, for in the manifold of inner observation can be separated only by mere division in thought, and cannot then be held separate and recombined at will (but still less does another thinking subject suffer himself to be experimented upon to suit our purpose), and even observation by itself already changes and displaces the state of the observed object.” Having consulted philosophers Hegel and Herbart, in 1825 the Prussian state established psychology as a mandatory discipline in its rapidly expanding and highly influential educational system. However, this discipline did not yet embrace experimentation. In England, early psychology involved phrenology and the response to social problems including alcoholism, violence, and the country’s well-populated mental asylums.

Beginning of experimental psychology

Wilhelm Wundt (seated) with colleagues in his psychological laboratory, the first of its kind.
Gustav Fechner began conducting psychophysics research in Leipzig in the 1830s, articulating the principle that human perception of a stimulus varies logarithmically according to its intensity. Fechner’s 1950 Elements of Psychophysics challenged Kant’s stricture against quantitative study of the mind. In Heidelberg, Hermann von Helmholtz conducted parallel research on sensory perception, and trained physiologist Wilhelm Wundt. Wundt, in turn, came to Leipzig University, establishing the psychological laboratory which brought experimental psychology to the world. Wundt focused on breaking down mental processes into the most basic components, motivated in part by an analogy to recent advances in chemistry, and its successful investigation of the elements and structure of material.Paul Flechsig and Emil Kraepelin soon created another influential psychology laboratory at Leipzig, this one focused on more on experimental psychiatry.

Psychologists in Germany, Denmark, Austria, England, and the United States soon followed Wundt in setting up laboratories.G. Stanley Hall who studied with Wundt, formed a psychology lab at Johns Hopkins University in Maryland, which became internationally influential. Hall, in turn, trained Yujiro Motora, who brought experimental psychology, emphasizing psychophysics, to the Imperial University of Tokyo. Wundt assistant Hugo Münsterberg taught psychology at Harvard to students such as Narendra Nath Sen Gupta—who, in 1905, founded a psychology department and laboratory at the University of Calcutta. Wundt students Walter Dill Scott, Lightner Witmer, and James McKeen Cattell worked on developing tests for mental ability. Catell, who also studied with eugenicist Francis Galton, went on to found the Psychological Corporation. Wittmer focused on mental testing of children; Scott, on selection of employees.

Another student of Wundt, Edward Titchener, created the psychology program at Cornell University and advanced a doctrine of “structuralist” psychology. Structuralism sought to analyze and classify different aspects of the mind, primarily through the method of introspection.William James, John Dewey and Harvey Carr advanced a more expansive doctrine called functionalism, attuned more to human–environment actions. In 1890 James wrote an influential book, The Principles of Psychology, which expanded on the realm of structuralism, memorably described the human “stream of consciousness”, and interested many American students in the emerging discipline. Dewey integrated psychology with social issues, most notably by promoting the cause progressive education to assimilate immigrants and inculcate moral values in children.

A different strain of experimentalism, with more connection to physiology, emerged in South America, under the leadership of Horacio G. Piñero at the University of Buenos Aires. Russia, too, placed greater emphasis on the biological basis for psychology, beginning with Ivan Sechenov’s 1873 essay, “Who Is to Develop Psychology and How?” Sechenov advanced the idea of brain reflexes and aggressively promoted a deterministic viewpoint on human behavior.

Wolfgang Kohler, Max Wertheimer and Kurt Koffka co-founded the school of Gestalt psychology (not to be confused with the Gestalt therapy of Fritz Perls). This approach is based upon the idea that individuals experience things as unified wholes. Rather than breaking down thoughts and behavior into smaller elements, as in structuralism, the Gestaltists maintained that whole of experience is important, and differs from the sum of its parts. Other 19th-century contributors to the field include the German psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus, a pioneer in the experimental study of memory, who developed quantitative models of learning and forgetting at the University of Berlin, and the Russian-Soviet physiologist Ivan Pavlov, who discovered in dogs a learning process that was later termed “classical conditioning” and applied to human beings.

Consolidation and funding
One of the earliest psychology societies was La Société de Psychologie Physiologique in France, which lasted 1885–1893. The first meeting of the International Congress of Psychology took place in Paris, in August 1889, amidst the World’s Fair celebrating the centennial of the French Revolution. William James was one of three Americans among the four hundred attendees. The American Psychological Association was founded soon after, in 1892. The International Congress continued to be held, at different locations in Europe, with wider international participation. The Sixth Congress, Geneva 1909, included presentations in Russian, Chinese, and Japanese, as well as Esperanto. After a hiatus for War War I, the Seventh Congress met in Oxford, with substantially greater participation from the war-victorious Anglo-Americans. In 1929, the Congress took place at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, attended by hundreds of members of the American Psychological Association Tokyo Imperial University led the way in bringing the new psychology to the East, and from Japan these ideas diffused into China.

American psychology gained status during World War I, during which a standing committee headed by Robert Yerkes administered mental tests (“Army Alpha” and “Army Beta”) to almost 1.8 million GIs. Subsequent funding for behavioral research came in large part from the Rockefeller family, via the Social Science Research Council. Rockefeller charities funded the National Committee on Mental Hygiene, which promoted the concept of mental illness and lobbied for psychological supervision of child development. Through the Bureau of Social Hygiene and later funding of Alfred Kinsey, Rockefeller foundations established sex research as a viable discipline in the U.S. Under the influence of the Carnegie-funded Eugenics Record Office, the Draper-funded Pioneer Fund, and other institutions, the eugenics movement also had a significant impact on American psychology; in the 1910s and 1920s, eugenics became a standard topic in psychology classes.

During World War II and the Cold War, the U.S. military and intelligence agencies established themselves as leading funders of psychology—through the armed forces and in the new Office of Strategic Services intelligence agency. University of Michigan psychologist Dorwin Cartwright reported that university researchers began large-scale propaganda research in 1939–1941, and “the last few months of the war saw a social psychologist become chiefly responsible for determining the week-by-week-propaganda policy for the United States Government.” Cartwright also wrote that psychologists had significant roles in managing the domestic economy. The Army rolled out its new General Classification Test and engaged in massive studies of troop morale. In the 1950s, the Rockefeller Foundation and Ford Foundation collaborated with the Central Intelligence Agency to fund research on psychological warfare. In 1965, public controversy called attention to the Army’s Project Camelot—the “Manhattan Project” of social science—an effort which enlisted psychologists and anthropologists to analyze foreign countries for strategic purposes.

In Germany after World War I, psychology held institutional power through the military, and subsequently expanded along with the rest of the military under the Third Reich. Under the direction of Hermann Göring’s cousin Matthias Göring, the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute was renamed the Göring Institute. Freudian psychoanalysts were expelled and persecuted under the anti-Jewish policies of the Nazi Party, and all psychologists had to distance themselves from Freud and Adler. The Göring Institute was well-financed throughout the war with a mandate to create a “New German Psychotherapy”. This psychotherapy aimed to align suitable Germans with the overall goals of the Reich; as described by one physician: “Despite the importance of analysis, spiritual guidance and the active cooperation of the patient represent the best way to overcome individual mental problems and to subordinate them to the requirements of the Volk and the Gemeinschaft.” Psychologists were to provide Seelenführung, leadership of the mind, to integrate people into the new vision of a German community.Harald Schultz-Hencke melded psychology with the Nazi theory of biology and racial origins, criticizing psychoanalysis as a study of the weak and deformed.Johannes Heinrich Schultz, a German psychologist recognized for developing the technique of autogenic training, prominently advocated sterilization and euthanasia of men considered genetically undesirable, and devised techniques for facilitating this process. After the war, some new institutions were created and some psychologists were discredited due to Nazi affiliation. Alexander Mitscherlich founded a prominent applied psychoanalysis journal called Psyche and with funding from the Rockefeller Foundation established the first clinical psychosomatic medicine division at Heidelberg University. In 1970, psychology was integrated into the required studies of medical students.

After the Russian Revolution, psychology was heavily promoted by the Bolsheviks as a way to engineer the “New Man” of socialism. Thus, university psychology departments trained large numbers of students, for whom positions were made available at schools, workplaces, cultural institutions, and in the military. An especial focus was pedology, the study of child development, regarding which Lev Vygotsky became a prominent writer. The Bolsheviks also promoted free love and embranced the doctrine of psychoanalysis as an antidote to sexual repression. Although pedology and intelligence testing fell out of favor in 1936, psychology maintained its privileged position as an instrument of the Soviet state. Stalinist purges took a heavy toll and instilled a climate of fear in the profession, as elsewhere in Soviet society. Following World War II, Jewish psychologists past and present (including Vygotsky, A. R. Luria, and Aron Zalkind) were denounced; Ivan Pavlov (posthumously) and Stalin himself were aggrandized as heroes of Soviet psychology. Soviet academics was speedily liberalized during the Khrushchev Thaw, and cybernetics, linguistics, genetics, and other topics became acceptable again. There emerged a new field called “engineering psychology” which studied mental aspects of complex jobs (such as pilot and cosmonaut). Interdisciplinary studies became popular and scholars such as Georgy Shchedrovitsky developed systems theory approaches to human behavior.

Twentieth-century Chinese psychology originally modeled the United States, with translations from American authors like William James, the establishment of university psychology departments and journals, and the establishment of groups including the Chinese Association of Psychological Testing (1930) and the Chinese Psychological Society (1937). Chinese psychologists were encouraged to focus on education and language learning, with the aspiration that education would enable modernization and nationalization. John Dewey, who lectured to Chinese audiences in 1918–1920, had a significant influence on this doctrine. Chancellor T’sai Yuan-p’ei introduced him at Peking University as a greater thinker than Confucius. Kuo Zing-yang who received a PhD at the University of California, Berkeley, became President of Zhejiang University and popularized behaviorism. After the Chinese Communist Party gained control of the country, the Stalinist USSR became the leading influence, with Marxism–Leninism the leading social doctrine and Pavlovian conditioning the approved concept of behavior change. Chinese psychologists elaborated on Lenin’s model of a “reflective” consciousness, envisioning an “active consciousness” (tzu-chueh neng-tung-li) able to transcend material conditions through hard work and ideological struggle. They developed a concept of “recognition” (jen-shih) which referred the interface between individual perceptions and the socially accepted worldview. (Failure to correspond with party doctrine was “incorrect recognition”.) Psychology education was centralized under the Chinese Academy of Sciences, supervised by the State Council. In 1951 the Academy created a Psychology Research Office, which in 1956 became the Institute of Psychology. Most leading psychologists were educated in the United States, and the first concern of the Academy was re-education of these psychologists in the Soviet doctrines. Child psychology and pedagogy for nationally cohesive education remained a central goal of the discipline.

Disciplinary organization

In 1920, Édouard Claparède and Pierre Bovet created a new applied psychology organization called the International Congress of Psychotechnics Applied to Vocational Guidance, later called the International Congress of Psychotechnics and then the International Association of Applied Psychology. The IAAP is considered the oldest international psychology association. Today, at least 65 international groups deal specialized aspects of psychology. In response to male predominance in the field, female psychologists in the U.S. formed National Council of Women Psychologists in 1941. This organization became the International Council of Women Psychologists after World War II, and the International Council of Psychologists in 1959. Several associations including the Association of Black Psychologists and the Asian American Psychological Association have arisen to promote non-European racial groups in the profession.

The world federation of national psychological societies is the International Union of Psychological Science (IUPsyS), founded in 1951 under the auspices of UNESCO, the United Nations cultural and scientific authority. Psychology departments have since proliferated around the world, based primarily on the Euro-American model. Since 1966, the Union has published the International Journal of Psychology. IAAP and IUPsyS agreed in 1976 each to hold a congress every four years, on a staggered basis.

The International Union recognizes 66 national psychology associations and at least 15 others exist. The American Psychological Association is the oldest and largest. Its membership has increased from 5,000 in 1945 to 100,000 in the present day. The APA includes 54 divisions, which since 1960 have steadily proliferated to include more specialties. Some of these divisions, such as the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues and the American Psychology–Law Society, began as autonomous groups.

The Interamerican Society of Psychology, founded in 1951, aspires to promote psychology and coordinate psychologists across the Western Hemisphere. It holds the Interamerican Congress of Psychology and had 1000 members in year 2000. The European Federation of Professional Psychology Associations, founded in 1981, represents 30 national associations with a total of 100,000 individual members. At least 30 other international groups organize psychologists in different regions.

In some places, governments legally regulate who can provide psychological services or represent themselves as a “psychologist”. The American Psychological Association defines a psychologist as someone with a doctoral degree in psychology.

See also: List of psychology organizations
Early practitioners of experimental psychology distinguished themselves from parapsychology, which in the late nineteenth century enjoyed great popularity (including the interest of scholars such as William James), and indeed constituted the bulk of what people called “psychology”. Parapsychology, hypnotism, and psychism were major topics of the early International Congresses. But students of these fields were eventually ostractized, and more or less banished from the Congress in 1900–1905. Parapsychology persisted for a time at Imperial University, with publications such as Clairvoyance and Thoughtography by Tomokichi Fukurai, but here too it was mostly shunned by 1913.

As a discipline, psychology has long sought to fend off accusations that it is a “soft” science. Philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn’s 1962 critique implied psychology overall was in a pre-paradigm state, lacking the agreement on overarching theory found in mature sciences such as chemistry and physics. Because some areas of psychology rely on research methods such as surveys and questionnaires, critics asserted that psychology is not an objective science. Skeptics have suggested that personality, thinking, and emotion, cannot be directly measured and are often inferred from subjective self-reports, which may be problematic. Experimental psychologists have devised a variety of ways to indirectly measure these elusive phenomenological entities.

Divisions still exist within the field, with some psychologists more oriented towards the unique experiences of individual humans, which cannot be understood only as data points within a larger population. Critics inside and outside the field have argued that maintstream psychology has become increasingly dominated by a “cult of empiricism” which limits the scope of its study by using only methods derived from the physical sciences. Feminist critiques along these lines have argued that claims to scientific objectivity obscure the values and agenda of (historically mostly male) researchers. Jean Grimshaw, for example, argues that mainstream psychological research has advanced a patriarchal agenda through its efforts to control behavior.

Major schools of thought


MRI depicting the human brain. The arrow indicates the position of the hypothalamus.
Psychologists generally consider the organism the basis of the mind, and therefore a vitally related area of study. Psychiatrists and neuropsychologists work at the interface of mind and body. Biological psychology, also known as physiological psychology, or neuropsychology is the study of the biological substrates of behavior and mental processes. Key research topics in this field include comparative psychology, which studies humans in relation to other animals, and perception which involves the physical mechanics of sensation as well as neural and mental processing. For centuries, a leading question in biological psychology has been whether and how mental functions might be localized in the brain. From Phineas Gage to H. M. and Clive Wearing, individual people with mental issues traceable to physical damage have inspired new discoveries in this area. Modern neuropsychology could be said to originate in the 1870s, when in France Paul Broca traced production of speech to the left frontal gyrus, thereby also demonstrating hemispheric lateralization of brain function. Soon after, Carl Wernicke identified a related area necessary for the understanding of speech.

The contemporary field of behavioral neuroscience focuses on physical causes underpinning behavior. For example, physiological psychologists use animal models, typically rats, to study the neural, genetic, and cellular mechanisms that underlie specific behaviors such as learning and memory and fear responses.Cognitive neuroscientists investigate the neural correlates of psychological processes in humans using neural imaging tools, and neuropsychologists conduct psychological assessments to determine, for instance, specific aspects and extent of cognitive deficit caused by brain damage or disease. The biopsychosocial model is an integrated perspective toward understanding consciousness, behavior, and social interaction. It assumes that any given behavior or mental process affects and is affected by dynamically interrelated biological, psychological, and social factors.

Evolutionary psychology examines cognition and personality traits from an evolutionary perspective. This perspective suggests that psychological adaptations evolved to solve recurrent problems in human ancestral environments. Evolutionary psychology offers complementary explanations for the mostly proximate or developmental explanations developed by other areas of psychology: that is, it focuses mostly on ultimate or “why?” questions, rather than proximate or “how?” questions.

The search for biological origins of psychological phenomena has long involved debates about the importance of race, and especially the relationship between race and intelligence. The idea of white supremacy and indeed the modern concept of race itself arose during the process of world conquest by Europeans.Carl von Linnaeus’s four-fold classification of humans classifies Europeans as intelligent and severe, Americans as contented and free, Asians as ritualistic, and Africans as lazy and capricious. Race was also used to justify the construction of socially specific mental disorders such as drapetomania and dysaesthesia aethiopica—the behavior of uncooperative African slaves. After the creation of experimental psychology, “ethnical psychology” emerged as a subdiscipline, based on the assumption that studying primitive races would provide an important link between animal behavior and the psychology of more evolved humans.


Skinner’s teaching machine, a mechanical invention to automate the task of programmed instruction
Psychologists take human behavior as a main area of study. Much of the research in this area began with tests on mammals, based on the idea that humans exhibit similar fundamental tendencies. Behavioral research ever aspires to improve the effectiveness of techniques for behavior modification.

Early behavioral researchers studied stimulus–response pairings, now known as classical conditioning. They demonstrated that behaviors could be linked through repeated association with stimuli eliciting pain or pleasure. Ivan Pavlov—known best for inducing dogs to salivate in the presence of a stimulus previous linked with food—became a leading figure in the Soviet Union and inspired followers to use his methods on humans. In the United States, Edward Lee Thorndike initiated “connectionism” studies by trapping animals in “puzzle boxes” and rewarding them for escaping. Thorndike wrote in 1911: “There can be no moral warrant for studying man’s nature unless the study will enable us to control his acts.” From 1910–1913 the American Psychological Association went through a sea change of opinion, away from mentalism and towards “behavioralism”, and in 1913 John B. Watson coined the term behaviorism for this school of thought. Watson’s famous Little Albert experiment in 1920 demonstrated that repeated use of upsetting loud noises could instill phobias (aversions to other stimuli) in an infant human.Karl Lashley, a close collaborator with Watson, examined biological manifestations of learning in the brain.

Embraced and extended by Clark L. Hull, Edwin Guthrie, and others, behaviorism became a widely used research paradigm. A new method of “instrumental” or “operant” conditioning added the concepts of reinforcement and punishment to the model of behavior change. Radical behaviorists avoided discussing the inner workings of the mind, especially the unconscious mind, which they considered impossible to assess scientifically. Operant conditioning was first described by Miller and Kanorski and popularized in the U.S. by B.F. Skinner, who emerged as a leading intellectual of the behaviorist movement.

Noam Chomsky delivered an influential critique of radical behaviorism on the grounds that it could not adequately explain the complex mental process of language acquisition.Martin Seligman and colleagues discovered that the conditioning of dogs led to outcomes (“learned helplessness”) that opposed the predictions of behaviorism. Skinner’s behaviorism did not die, perhaps in part because it generated successful practical applications.Edward C. Tolman advanced a hybrid “cognitive behaviorial” model, most notably with his 1948 publication discussing the cognitive maps used by rats to guess at the location of food at the end of a modified maze.

The Association for Behavior Analysis International was founded in 1974 and by 2003 had members from 42 countries. The field has been especially influential in Latin America, where it has a regional organization known as ALAMOC: La Asociación Latinoamericana de Análisis y Modificación del Comportamiento. Behaviorism also gained a strong foothold in Japan, where it gave rise to the Japanese Society of Animal Psychology (1933), the Japanese Association of Special Education (1963), the Japanese Society of Biofeedback Research (1973), the Japanese Association for Behavior Therapy (1976), the Japanese Association for Behavior Analysis (1979), and the Japanese Association for Behavioral Science Research (1994). Today the field of behaviorism is also commonly referred to as behavior modification or behavior analysis.

Green Red Blue
Purple Blue Purple

Blue Purple Red
Green Purple Green

The Stroop effect refers to the fact that naming the color of the first set of words is easier and quicker than the second.

Cognitive psychology studies cognition, the mental processes underlying mental activity. Perception, attention, reasoning, thinking, problem solving, memory, learning, language, and emotion are areas of research. Classical cognitive psychology is associated with a school of thought known as cognitivism, whose adherents argue for an information processing model of mental function, informed by functionalism and experimental psychology.

On a broader level, cognitive science is an interdisciplinary enterprise of cognitive psychologists, cognitive neuroscientists, researchers in artificial intelligence, linguists, human–computer interaction, computational neuroscience, logicians and social scientists. Computer simulations are sometimes used to model phenomena of interest.

Baddeley’s model of working memory
Starting in the 1950s, the experimental techniques developed by Wundt, James, Ebbinghaus, and others re-emerged as experimental psychology became increasingly cognitivist—concerned with information and its processing—and, eventually, constituted a part of the wider cognitive science. Some called this development the cognitive revolution because it rejected the anti-mentalist dogma of behaviorism as well as the strictures of psychoanalysis.

Social learning theorists, such as Albert Bandura, argued that the child’s environment could make contributions of its own to the behaviors of an observant subject.

The Müller–Lyer illusion. Psychologists make inferences about mental processes from shared phenomena such as optical illusions.
Technological advances also renewed interest in mental states and representations. English neuroscientist Charles Sherrington and Canadian psychologist Donald O. Hebb used experimental methods to link psychological phenomena with the structure and function of the brain. The rise of computer science, cybernetics and artificial intelligence suggested the value of comparatively studying information processing in humans and machines. Research in cognition had proven practical since World War II, when it aided in the understanding of weapons operation.

A popular and representative topic in this area is cognitive bias, or irrational thought. Psychologists (and economists) have classified and described a sizeable catalogue of biases which recur frequently in human thought. The availability heuristic, for example, is the tendency to overestimate the importance of something which happens to come readily to mind.

Elements of behaviorism and cognitive psychology were synthesized to form cognitive behavioral therapy, a form of psychotherapy modified from techniques developed by American psychologist Albert Ellis and American psychiatrist Aaron T. Beck. Cognitive psychology was subsumed along with other disciplines, such as philosophy of mind, computer science, and neuroscience, under the cover discipline of cognitive science.

Main article: Social psychology
See also: Social psychology (sociology)

Social psychology studies the nature and causes of social behavior.
Social psychology is the study of how humans think about each other and how they relate to each other. Social psychologists study such topics as the influence of others on an individual’s behavior (e.g. conformity, persuasion), and the formation of beliefs, attitudes, and stereotypes about other people. Social cognition fuses elements of social and cognitive psychology in order to understand how people process, remember, or distort social information. The study of group dynamics reveals information about the nature and potential optimization of leadership, communication, and other phenomena that emerge at least at the microsocial level. In recent years, many social psychologists have become increasingly interested in implicit measures, mediational models, and the interaction of both person and social variables in accounting for behavior. The study of human society is therefore a potentially valuable source of information about the causes of psychiatric disorder. Some sociological concepts applied to psychiatric disorders are the social role, sick role, social class, life event, culture, migration, social, and total institution.

Psychoanalysis comprises a method of investigating the mind and interpreting experience; a systematized set of theories about human behavior; and a form of psychotherapy to treat psychological or emotional distress, especially conflict originating in the unconscious mind. This school of thought originated in the 1890s with Austrian medical doctors including Josef Breuer (physician), Alfred Adler (physician), Otto Rank (psychoanalyst), and most prominently Sigmund Freud (neurologist). Freud’s psychoanalytic theory was largely based on interpretive methods, introspection and clinical observations. It became very well known, largely because it tackled subjects such as sexuality, repression, and the unconscious. These subjects were largely taboo at the time, and Freud provided a catalyst for their open discussion in polite society. Clinically, Freud helped to pioneer the method of free association and a therapeutic interest in dream interpretation.

Group photo 1909 in front of Clark University. Front row: Sigmund Freud, G. Stanley Hall, Carl Jung; back row: Abraham A. Brill, Ernest Jones, Sándor Ferenczi.
Swiss psychiatrist Carl Jung, influenced by Freud, elaborated a theory of the collective unconscious—a primordial force present in all humans, featuring archetypes which exerted a profound influence on the mind. Jung’s competing vision formed the basis for analytical psychology, which later led to the archetypal and process-oriented schools. Other well-known psychoanalytic scholars of the mid-20th century include Erik Erikson, Melanie Klein, D.W. Winnicott, Karen Horney, Erich Fromm, John Bowlby, and Sigmund Freud’s daughter, Anna Freud. Throughout the 20th century, psychoanalysis evolved into diverse schools of thought which could be called Neo-Freudian. Among these schools are ego psychology, object relations, and interpersonal, Lacanian, and relational psychoanalysis.

Psychologists such as Hans Eysenck and philosophers including Karl Popper criticized psychoanalysis. Popper argued that psychoanalysis had been misrepresented as a scientific discipline, whereas Eysenck said that psychoanalytic tenets had been contradicted by experimental data. By the end of 20th century, psychology departments in American universities mostly marginalized Freudian theory, dismissing it as a “desiccated and dead” historical artifact. However, researchers in the emerging field of neuro-psychoanalysis today defend some of Freud’s ideas on scientific grounds, while scholars of the humanities maintained that Freud was not a “scientist at all, but … an interpreter.”

Existential-humanistic theories

Psychologist Abraham Maslow in 1943 posited that humans have a hierarchy of needs, and it makes sense to fulfill the basic needs first (food, water etc.) before higher-order needs can be met.
Humanistic psychology developed in the 1950s as a movement within academic psychology, in reaction to both behaviorism and psychoanalysis. The humanistic approach sought to glimpse the whole person, not just fragmented parts of the personality or isolated cognitions. Humanism focused on uniquely human issues, such as free will, personal growth, self-actualization, self-identity, death, aloneness, freedom, and meaning. It emphasized subjective meaning, rejection of determinism, and concern for positive growth rather than pathology. Some founders of the humanistic school of thought were American psychologists Abraham Maslow, who formulated a hierarchy of human needs, and Carl Rogers, who created and developed client-centered therapy. Later, positive psychology opened up humanistic themes to scientific modes of exploration.

The American Association for Humanistic Psychology, formed in 1963, declared:

Humanistic psychology is primarily an orientation toward the whole of psychology rather than a distinct area or school. It stands for respect for the worth of persons, respect for differences of approach, open-mindedness as to acceptable methods, and interest in exploration of new aspects of human behavior. As a “third force” in contemporary psychology, it is concerned with topics having little place in existing theories and systems: e.g., love, creativity, self, growth, organism, basic need-gratification, self-actualization, higher values, being, becoming, spontaneity, play, humor, affection, naturalness, warmth, ego-transcendence, objectivity, autonomy, responsibility, meaning, fair-play, transcendental experience, peak experience, courage, and related concepts.

In the 1950s and 1960s, influenced by philosophers Søren Kierkegaard and Martin Heidegger and, psychoanalytically trained American psychologist Rollo May pioneered an existential branch of psychology, which included existential psychotherapy: a method based on the belief that inner conflict within a person is due to that individual’s confrontation with the givens of existence. Swiss psychoanalyst Ludwig Binswanger and American psychologist George Kelly may also be said to belong to the existential school. Existential psychologists differed from more “humanistic” psychologists in their relatively neutral view of human nature and their relatively positive assessment of anxiety. Existential psychologists emphasized the humanistic themes of death, free will, and meaning, suggesting that meaning can be shaped by myths, or narrative patterns, and that it can be encouraged by an acceptance of the free will requisite to an authentic, albeit often anxious, regard for death and other future prospects.

Austrian existential psychiatrist and Holocaust survivor Viktor Frankl drew evidence of meaning’s therapeutic power from reflections garnered from his own internment. He created a variation of existential psychotherapy called logotherapy, a type of existentialist analysis that focuses on a will to meaning (in one’s life), as opposed to Adler’s Nietzschean doctrine of will to power or Freud’s will to pleasure.


Personality psychology is concerned with enduring patterns of behavior, thought, and emotion—commonly referred to as personality—in individuals. Theories of personality vary across different psychological schools and orientations. They carry different assumptions about such issues as the role of the unconscious and the importance of childhood experience. According to Freud, personality is based on the dynamic interactions of the id, ego, and super-ego.Trait theorists, in contrast, attempt to analyze personality in terms of a discrete number of key traits by the statistical method of factor analysis. The number of proposed traits has varied widely. An early model, proposed by Hans Eysenck, suggested that there are three traits which comprise human personality: extraversion–introversion, neuroticism, and psychoticism. Raymond Cattell proposed a theory of 16 personality factors. Dimensional models of personality are receiving increasing support, and some version of dimensional assessment will be included in the forthcoming DSM-V.

Myriad approach to systematically assess different personality types, with the Woodworth Personal Data Sheet, developed during World War I, an early example of the modern technique. The Myers–Briggs Type Indicator sought to assess people according to the personality theories of Carl Jung. Behaviorist resistance to introspection led to the development of the Strong Vocational Interest Blank and Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, tests which ask more empirical questions and focus less on the psychodynamics of the respondent.

Unconscious mind
Study of the unconscious mind, a part of the psyche outside the awareness of the individual which nevertheless influenced thoughts and behavior was a hallmark of early psychology. In one of the first psychology experiments conducted in the USA, C.S. Peirce and Joseph Jastrow found in 1884 that subjects could choose the minutely heavier of two weights even if consciously uncertain of the difference. Freud popularized this concept, with terms like Freudian slip entering popular culture, to mean an uncensored intrusion of unconscious thought into one’s speech and action. His 1901 text The Psychopathology of Everyday Life catalogues hundreds of everyday events which Freud explains in terms of unconscious influence. Pierre Janet advanced the idea of a subconscious mind, which could contain autonomous mental elements unavailable to the scrutiny of the subject.

Behaviorism notwithstanding, the unconscious mind has maintained its importance in psychology. Cognitive psychologists have used a “filter” model of attention, according to which much information processing takes place below the threshold of consciousness, and only certain processes, limited by nature and by simultaneous quantity, make their way through the filter. Copious research has shown that subconscious priming of certain ideas can covertly influence thoughts and behavior. A significant hurdle in this research is proving that a subject’s conscious mind has not grasped a certain stimulus, due to the unreliability of self-reporting. For this reason, some psychologists prefer to distinguish between implicit and explicit memory. In another approach, one can also describe a subliminal stimulus as meeting an objective but not a subjective threshold.

The automaticity model, which became widespread following exposition by John Bargh and others in the 1980s, describes sophisticated processes for executing goals which can be selected and performed over an extended duration without conscious awareness. Some experimental data suggests that the brain begins to consider taking actions before the mind becomes aware of them. This influence of unconscious forces on people’s choices naturally bears on philosophical questions free will. John Bargh, Daniel Wegner, and Ellen Langer are some prominent contemporary psychologists who describe free will as an illusion.

Main article: Motivation
Psychologists such as William James initially used the term motivation to refer to intention, in a sense similar to the concept of will in European philosophy. With the steady rise of Darwinian and Freudian thinking, instinct also came to be seen as a primary source of motivation. According to drive theory, the forces of instinct combine into a single source of energy which exerts a constant influence. Psychoanalysis, like biology, regarded these forces as physical demands made by the organism on the nervous system. However, they believed that these forces, especially the sexual instincts, could become entangled and transmuted within the psyche. Classical psychoanalysis conceives of a struggle between the pleasure principle and the reality principle, roughly corresponding to id and ego. Later, in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, Freud introduced the concept of the death drive, a compulsion towards aggression, destruction, and psychic repetition of traumatic events. Meanwhile, behaviorist researchers used simple dichotomous models (pleasure/pain, reward/punishment) and well-established principles such as the idea that a thirsty creature will take pleasure in drinking.Clark Hull formalized the latter idea with his drive reduction model.

Hunger, thirst, fear, sexual desire, and thermoregulation all seem to constitute fundamental motivations for animals. Humans also seem to exhibit a more complex set of motivations—though theoretically these could be explained as resulting from primordial instincts—including desires for belonging, self-image, self-consistency, truth, love, and control.

Motivation can be modulated or manipulated in many different ways. Researchers have found that eating, for example, depends not only on the organism’s fundamental need for homeostasis—an important factor causing the experience of hunger—but also on circadian rhythms, food availability, food palatability, and cost. Abstract motivations are also malleable, as evidenced by such phenomena as goal contagion: the adoption of goals, sometimes unconsciously, based on inferences about the goals of others. Vohs and Baumeister suggest that contrary to the need-desire-fulfilment cycle of animal instincts, human motivations sometimes obey a “getting begets wanting” rule: the more you get a reward such as self-esteem, love, drugs, or money, the more you want it. They suggest that this principle can even apply to food, drink, sex, and sleep.

Main article: Developmental psychology

Developmental psychologists would engage a child with a book and then make observations based on how the child interacts with the object.
Mainly focusing on the development of the human mind through the life span, developmental psychology seeks to understand how people come to perceive, understand, and act within the world and how these processes change as they age. This may focus on cognitive, affective, moral, social, or neural development. Researchers who study children use a number of unique research methods to make observations in natural settings or to engage them in experimental tasks. Such tasks often resemble specially designed games and activities that are both enjoyable for the child and scientifically useful, and researchers have even devised clever methods to study the mental processes of infants. In addition to studying children, developmental psychologists also study aging and processes throughout the life span, especially at other times of rapid change (such as adolescence and old age). Developmental psychologists draw on the full range of psychological theories to inform their research.


Further information: Outline of psychology, List of psychology disciplines, Applied psychology, and Subfields of psychology
Psychology encompasses many subfields and includes different approaches to the study of mental processes and behavior:

Mental testing
Psychological testing has ancient origins, such as examinations for the Chinese civil service dating back to 2200 B.C. Written exams began during the Han dynasty (202 B.C.–A.D. 200). By 1370, the Chinese system required a stratified series of tests, involving essay writing and knowledge of diverse topics. The system was ended in 1906. In Europe, mental assessment took a more physiological approach, with theories of physiognomy—judgment of character based on the face—described by Aristotle in 4th century BC Greece. Physiognomy remained current through the Enlightenment, and added the doctrine of phrenology: a study of mind and intelligence based on simple assessment of neuroanatomy.

When experimental psychology came to Britain, Francis Galton was a leading practitioner, and, with his procedures for measuring reaction time and sensation, is considered an inventor of modern mental testing (a.k.a. psychometrics).James McKeen Cattell, a student of Wundt and Galton, brought the concept to the USA, and in fact coined the term “mental test”. In 1901, Cattell’s student Clark Wissler published discouraging results, suggesting that mental testing of Columbia and Barnard students failed to predict their academic performance. In response to 1904 orders from the Minister of Public Instruction, French psychologists Alfred Binet and Théodore Simon elaborated a new test of intelligence in 1905–1911, using a range of questions diverse in their nature and difficulty. Binet and Simon introduced the concept of mental age and referred to the lowest scorers on their test as idiots. Henry H. Goddard put the Binet-Simon scale to work and introduced classifications of mental level such as imbecile and feebleminded. In 1916 (after Binet’s death), Stanford professor Lewis M. Terman modified the Binet-Simon scale (renamed the Stanford-Binet scale) and introduced the intelligence quotient as a score report. From this test, Terman concluded that mental retardation “represents the level of intelligence which is very, very common among Spanish-Indians and Mexican families of the Southwest and also among negroes. Their dullness seems to be racial.”

Following the Army Alpha and Army Beta tests for soldiers in World War I, mental testing became popular in the US, where it was soon applied to school children. The federally created National Intelligence Test was administered to 7 million children in the 1920s, and in 1926 the College Entrance Examination Board created the Scholastic Aptitude Test to standardize college admissions. The results of intelligence tests were used to argue for segregated schools and economic functions—i.e. the preferential training of Black Americans for manual labor. These practices were criticized by black intellectuals such a Horace Mann Bond and Allison Davis. Eugenicists used mental testing to justify and organize compulsory sterilization of individuals classified as mentally retarded. In the United States, tens of thousands of men and women were sterilized. Setting a precedent which has never been overturned, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the constitutionality of this practice in the 1907 case Buck v. Bell.

Today mental testing is a routine phenomenon for people of all ages in Western societies. Modern testing aspires to criteria including standardization of procedure, consistency of results, output of an interpretable score, statistical norms describing population outcomes, and, ideally, effective prediction of behavior and life outcomes outside of testing situations.

Mental health care

Clinical psychologists work with individuals, children, families, couples, or small groups.
The provision of psychological health services is generally called clinical psychology in the U.S. The definitions of this term are various and it may include school psychology and counseling psychology. The definition typically includes people who have graduated from doctoral programs in clinical psychology but may also include others. In Canada, the above groups usually fall within the larger category of professional psychology. In Canada and the US, practitioners get bachelor’s degrees and doctorates, then spend one year in an internship and one year in postdoctoral education. In Mexico and most other Latinamericano and European countries, psychologists do not get bachelor’s and doctorate degrees: they take a three-year professional course following high school. Clinical psychology is at present the largest specialization within psychology. It includes the study and application of psychology for the purpose of understanding, preventing, and relieving psychologically based distress, dysfunction or mental illness and to promote subjective well-being and personal development. Central to its practice are psychological assessment and psychotherapy, although clinical psychologists may also engage in research, teaching, consultation, forensic testimony, and program development and administration.

Credit for the first psychology clinic in the USA typically goes to Lightner Witmer, who established his practice in Philadelphia in 1896. Another modern psychotherapist was Morton Prince. For the most part, in the first part of th twentieth century, most mental health care in the United States was performed by specialized medical doctors called psychiatrists. Psychology entered the field with its refinements of mental testing, which promised to improve diagnosis of mental problems. For their part, some psychiatrists became interested in using psychoanalysis and other forms of psychodynamic psychotherapy to understand and treat the mentally ill. In this type of treatment, a specially trained therapist develops a close relationship with the patient, who discusses wishes, dreams, social relationships, and other aspects of mental life. The therapist seeks to uncover repressed material and to understand why the patient creates defences against certain thoughts and feelings. An important aspect of the therapeutic relationship is transference, in which deep unconscious feelings in a patient reorient themselves and become manifest in relation to the therapist.

Psychiatric psychotherapy blurred the distinction between psychiatry and psychology, and this trend continued with the rise of community mental health facilities and behavioral therapy, a thoroughly non-psychodynamic model which used behaviorist learning theory to change the actions of patients. A key aspect of behavior therapy is empirical evaluation of the treatment’s effectiveness. In the 1970s, cognitive-behavior therapy arose, using similar methods and now including the cognitive constructs which had gained popularity in theoretical psychology. A key practice in behavioral and cognitive-behavioral therapy is exposing patients to things they fear, based on the premise that their responses (fear, panic, anxiety) can be deconditioned.

Mental health care today involves psychologists and social workers in increasing numbers. In 1977, National Institute of Mental Health director Bertram Brown described this shift as a source of “intense competition and role confusion”. Graduate programs issuing doctorates in psychology (PsyD) emerged in the 1950s and underwent rapid increase through the 1980s. This degree is intended to train practitioners who might conduct scientific research.

Some clinical psychologists may focus on the clinical management of patients with brain injury—this area is known as clinical neuropsychology. In many countries, clinical psychology is a regulated mental health profession. The emerging field of disaster psychology (see crisis intervention) involves professionals who respond to large-scale traumatic events.

The work performed by clinical psychologists tends to be influenced by various therapeutic approaches, all of which involve a formal relationship between professional and client (usually an individual, couple, family, or small group). Typically they encourage new ways of thinking, feeling, or behaving. Four major theoretical perspectives are psychodynamic, cognitive behavioral, existential–humanistic, and systems or family therapy. There has been a growing movement to integrate the various therapeutic approaches, especially with an increased understanding of issues regarding culture, gender, spirituality, and sexual orientation. With the advent of more robust research findings regarding psychotherapy, there is evidence that most of the major therapies have equal effectiveness, with the key common element being a strong therapeutic alliance. Because of this, more training programs and psychologists are now adopting an eclectic therapeutic orientation.

Diagnosis in clinical psychology usually follows the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), a handbook first published by the American Psychiatric Association in 1952. New editions over time have increased in size and focused more on medical language. The study of mental illnesses is called abnormal psychology.

Main articles: Educational psychology and School psychology

An example of an item from a cognitive abilities test used in educational psychology.
Educational psychology is the study of how humans learn in educational settings, the effectiveness of educational interventions, the psychology of teaching, and the social psychology of schools as organizations. The work of child psychologists such as Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, Bernard Luskin, and Jerome Bruner has been influential in creating teaching methods and educational practices. Educational psychology is often included in teacher education programs in places such as North America, Australia, and New Zealand.

School psychology combines principles from educational psychology and clinical psychology to understand and treat students with learning disabilities; to foster the intellectual growth of gifted students; to facilitate prosocial behaviors in adolescents; and otherwise to promote safe, supportive, and effective learning environments. School psychologists are trained in educational and behavioral assessment, intervention, prevention, and consultation, and many have extensive training in research.

Industrialists soon brought the nascent field of psychology to bear on the study of scientific management techniques for improving workplace efficiency. This field was at first called economic psychology or business psychology; later, industrial psychology, employment psychology, or psychotechnology. An important early study examined workers at Western Electric’s Hawthorne plant in Cicero, Illinois from 1924–1932. With funding from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Fund and guidance from Australian psychologist Elton Mayo, Western Electric experimented on thousands of factory workers to assess their responses to illumination, breaks, food, and wages. The researchers came to focus on workers’ responses to observation itself, and the term Hawthorne effect is now used to describe the fact that people work harder when they think they’re being watched.

The name industrial and organizational psychology (I–O) arose in the 1960s and became enshrined as the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology, Division 14 of the American Psychological Association, in 1973. The goal is to optimize human potential in the workplace. Personnel psychology, a subfield of I–O psychology, applies the methods and principles of psychology in selecting and evaluating workers. I–O psychology’s other subfield, organizational psychology, examines the effects of work environments and management styles on worker motivation, job satisfaction, and productivity. The majority of I–O psychologists work outside of academia, for private and public organizations and as consultants. A psychology consultant working in business today might expect to provide executives with information and ideas about their industry, their target markets, and the organization of their company.

Military and intelligence
One role for psychologists in the military is to evaluate and counsel soldiers and other personnel. In the U.S., this function began during World War I, when Robert Yerkes established the School of Military Psychology at Fort Oglethorpe in Georgia, to provide psychological training for military staff military. Today, U.S Army psychology includes psychological screening, clinical psychotherapy, suicide prevention, and treatment for post-traumatic stress, as well as other aspects of health and workplace psychology such as smoking cessation.

Psychologists may also work on a diverse set of campaigns known broadly as psychological warfare. Psychologically warfare chiefly involves the use of propaganda to influence enemy soldiers and civilians. In the case of so-called black propaganda the propaganda is designed to seem like it originates from a different source. The CIA’s MKULTRA program involves more individualized efforts at mind control, involving techniques such as hypnosis, torture, and covert involuntary administration of LSD. The U.S. military used the name Psychological Operations (PSYOP) until 2010, when these were reclassified as Military Information Support Operations (MISO), part of Information Operations (IO).

Health, well-being, and social change
Medical facilities increasingly employ psychologists to perform various roles. A prominent aspect of health psychology is the psychoeducation of patients: instructing them in how to follow a medical regimen. Health psychologists can also educate doctors and conduct research on patient compliance.

Psychologists in the field of public health use a wide variety of interventions to influence human behavior. These range from public relations campaigns and outreach to governmental laws and policies. Psychologists study the composite influence of all these different tools in an effort to influence whole populations of people.

Black American psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark studied the psychological impact of segregation and testified with their findings in the desegregation case Brown v. Board of Education (1954).

Positive psychology is the study of factors which contribute to human happiness and well-being, focusing more on people who are currently health. In 2010 Clinical Psychological Review published a special issue devoted to positive psychological interventions, such as gratitude journaling and the physical expression of gratitude. Positive psychological interventions have been limited in scope, but their effects are thought to be superior to that of placebos, especially with regard to helping people with body image problems.

Research methods

Main articles: Psychological research and List of psychological research methods
Quantitative psychological research lends itself to the statistical testing of hypotheses. Although the field makes abundant use of randomized and controlled experiments in laboratory settings, such research can only assess a limited range of short-term phenomena. Thus, psychologists also rely on creative statistical methods to glean knowledge from clinical trials and population data. These include the Pearson product–moment correlation coefficient, the analysis of variance, multiple linear regression, logistic regression, structural equation modeling, and hierarchical linear modeling. The measurement and operationalization of important constructs is an essential part of these research designs.

Controlled experiments
Main article: Experiment

Flowchart of four phases (enrollment, intervention allocation, follow-up, and data analysis) of a parallel randomized trial of two groups, modified from the CONSORT 2010 Statement

The experimenter (E) orders the teacher (T), the subject of the experiment, to give what the latter believes are painful electric shocks to a learner (L), who is actually an actor and confederate. The subject believes that for each wrong answer, the learner was receiving actual electric shocks, though in reality there were no such punishments. Being separated from the subject, the confederate set up a tape recorder integrated with the electro-shock generator, which played pre-recorded sounds for each shock level etc.
A true experiment with random allocation of subjects to conditions allows researchers to make strong inferences about causal relationships. In an experiment, the researcher alters parameters of influence, called independent variables, and measures resulting changes of interest, called dependent variables. Prototypical experimental research is conducted in a laboratory with a carefully controlled environment.

Repeated-measures experiments are those which take place through intervention on multiple occasions. In research on the effectiveness of psychotherapy, experimenters often compare a given treatment with placebo treatments, or compare different treatments against each other. Treatment type is the independent variable. The dependent variables are outcomes, ideally assessed in several ways by different professionals. Using crossover design, researchers can further increase the strength of their results by testing both of two treatments on two groups of subjects.

Quasi-experimental design refers especially to situations precluding random assignment to different conditions. Researchers can use common sense to consider how much the nonrandom assignment threatens the study’s validity. For example, in research on the best way to affect reading achievement in the first three grades of school, school administrators may not permit educational psychologists to randomly assign children to phonics and whole language classrooms, in which case the psychologists must work with preexisting classroom assignments. Psychologists will compare the achievement of children attending phonics and whole language classes.

Experimental researchers typically use a statistical hypothesis testing model which involves making predictions before conducting the experiment, then assessing how well the data supports the predictions. (These predictions may originate from a more abstract scientific hypothesis about how the phenomenon under study actually works.) Analysis of variance (ANOVA) statistical techiques are used to distinguish unique results of the experiment from the null hypothesis that variations result from random fluctuations in data. In psychology, the widely usd standard ascribes statistical significance to results which have less than 5% probability of being explained by random variation.

Other forms of statistical inference
Statistical surveys are used in psychology for measuring attitudes and traits, monitoring changes in mood, checking the validity of experimental manipulations, and for other psychological topics. Most commonly, psychologists use paper-and-pencil surveys. However, surveys are also conducted over the phone or through e-mail. Web-based surveys are increasingly used to conveniently reach many subjects.

Neuropsychological tests, such as the Wechsler scales and Wisconsin Card Sorting Test), are mostly questionnaires or simple tasks used which assess a specific type of mental function in the respondent. These can be used in experiments, as in the case of lesion experiments evaluating the results of damage to a specific part of the brain.

Observational studies analyze uncontrolled data in search of correlations; multivariate statistics are typically used to interpret the more complex situation. Cross-sectional observational studies use data from a single point in time, whereas longitudinal studies are used to study trends across the life span. Longitudinal studies track the same people, and therefore detect more individual, rather than cultural, differences. However, they suffer from lack of controls and from confounding factors such as selective attrition (the bias introduced when a certain type of subject disproportionately leaves a study).

Exploratory data analysis refers to a variety of practices which researchers can use to visualize and analyze existing sets of data. In Peirce’s three modes of inference, exploratory data anlysis corresponds to abduction, or hypothesis formation.Meta-analysis is the technique of integrating the results from multiple studies and interpreting the statistical properties of the pooled dataset.

Technological assays

A rat undergoing a Morris water navigation test used in behavioral neuroscience to study the role of the hippocampus in spatial learning and memory.
A classic and popular tool used to relate mental and neural activity is the electroencephalogram (EEG), a technique using amplified electrodes on a person’s scalp to measure voltage changes in different parts of the brain. Hans Berger, the first researcher to use EEG on an unopened skull, quickly found that brains exhibit signature “brain waves”: electric oscillations which correspond to different states of consciousness. Researchers subsequently refined statistical methods for synthesizing the electrode data, and identified unique brain wave patterns such as the delta wave observed during non-REM sleep.

Newer functional neuroimaging techniques include functional magnetic resonance imaging and positron emission tomography, both of which track the flow of blood through the brain. These technologies provide more localized information about activity in the brain and create representations of the brain with widespread appeal. They also provide insight which avoids the classic problems of subjective self-reporting. It remains challenging to draw hard conclusions about where in the brain specific thoughts originate—or even how usefully such localization corresponds with reality. However, neuroimaging has delivered unmistakable results showing the existence of correlations between mind and brain. Some of these draw on a systemic neural network model rather than a localized function model.

Psychiatric interventions such as transcranial magnetic stimulation and of course drugs also provide information about brain–mind interactions. Psychopharmacology is the study of drug-induced mental effects.

Artificial neural network with two layers, an interconnected group of nodes, akin to the vast network of neurons in the human brain.
Computer simulation
Computational modeling is a tool used in mathematical psychology and cognitive psychology to simulate behavior. This method has several advantages. Since modern computers process information quickly, simulations can be run in a short time, allowing for high statistical power. Modeling also allows psychologists to visualize hypotheses about the functional organization of mental events that couldn’t be directly observed in a human. Connectionism uses neural networks to simulate the brain. Another method is symbolic modeling, which represents many mental objects using variables and rules. Other types of modeling include dynamic systems and stochastic modeling.

Animal studies

The common chimpanzee can use tools. This chimpanzee is using a stick in order to get food.
Animal experiments aid in investigating many aspects of human psychology, including perception, emotion, learning, memory, and thought, to name a few. In the 1890s, Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov famously used dogs to demonstrate classical conditioning. Non-human primates, cats, dogs, pigeons, rats, and other rodents are often used in psychological experiments. Ideally, controlled experiments introduce only one independent variable at a time, in order to ascertain its unique effects upon dependent variables. These conditions are approximated best in laboratory settings. In contrast, human environments and genetic backgrounds vary so widely, and depend upon so many factors, that it is difficult to control important variables for human subjects. Of course, there are pitfalls in generalizing findings from animal studies to humans through animal models.

Comparative psychology refers to the scientific study of the behavior and mental processes of non-human animals, especially as these relate to the phylogenetic history, adaptive significance, and development of behavior. Research in this area explores the behavior of many species, from insects to primates. It is closely related to other disciplines that study animal behavior such as ethology. Research in comparative psychology sometimes appears to shed light on human behavior, but some attempts to connect the two have been quite controversial, for example the Sociobiology of E. O. Wilson. Animal models are often used to study neural processes related to human behavior, e.g. in cognitive neuroscience.

Qualitative and descriptive research
Research designed to answer questions about the current state of affairs such as the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of individuals is known as descriptive research. Descriptive research can be qualitative or quantitative in orientation. Qualitative research is descriptive research that is focused on observing and describing events as they occur, with the goal of capturing all of the richness of everyday behavior and with the hope of discovering and understanding phenomena that might have been missed if only more cursory examinations have been made.

Qualitative psychological research methods include interviews, first-hand observation, and participant observation. Creswell (2003) identifies five main possibilities for qualitative research, including narrative, phenomenology, ethnography, case study, and grounded theory. Qualitative researchers sometimes aim to enrich interpretations or critiques of symbols, subjective experiences, or social structures. Sometimes hermeneutic and critical aims can give rise to quantitative research, as in Erich Fromm’s study of Nazi voting or Stanley Milgram’s studies of obedience to authority.

Phineas P. Gage survived an accident in which a large iron rod was driven completely through his head, destroying much of his brain’s left frontal lobe, and is remembered for that injury’s reported effects on his personality and behavior.
Just as Jane Goodall studied chimpanzee social and family life by careful observation of chimpanzee behavior in the field, psychologists conduct naturalistic observation of ongoing human social, professional, and family life. Sometimes the participants are aware they are being observed, and other times the participants do not know they are being observed. Strict ethical guidelines must be followed when covert observation is being carried out.

Contemporary issues in methodology and practice

In 1959 statistician Theodore Sterling examined the results of psychological studies and discovered that 97% of them supported their initial hypotheses, implying a possible publication bias. Similarly, Fanelli (2010) found that 91.5% of psychiatry/psychology studies confirmed the effects they were looking for, and concluded that the odds of this happening (a positive result) was around five times higher than in fields such as space- or geosciences. Fanelli argues that this is because researchers in “softer” sciences have fewer constraints to their conscious and unconscious biases.

Some popular media outlets have in recent years spotlighted a replication crisis in psychology, arguing that many findings in the field cannot be reproduced. Repeats of some famous studies have not reached the same conclusions, and some researchers have been accused of outright fraud in their results. Focus on this issue has led to renewed efforts in the discipline to re-test important findings.

Some critics view statistical hypothesis testing as misplaced. Psychologist and statistician Jacob Cohen wrote in 1994 that psychologists routinely confuse statistical significance with practical importance, enthusiastically reporting great certainty in unimportant facts. Some psychologists have responded with an increased use of effect size statistics, rather than sole reliance on the Fisherian p < .05 significance criterion (whereby an observed difference is deemed "statistically significant" if an effect of that size or larger would occur with 5% -or less- probability in independent replications, assuming the truth of the null-hypothesis of no difference between the treatments).
In 2010, a group of researchers reported a systemic bias in psychology studies towards WEIRD ("western, educated, industrialized, rich and democratic") subjects. Although only 1/8 people worldwide fall into the WEIRD classification, the researchers claimed that 60–90% of psychology studies are performed on WEIRD subjects. The article gave examples of results that differ significantly between WEIRD subjects and tribal cultures, including the Müller-Lyer illusion.

Psychology Wiki snap shot
Some observers perceive a gap between scientific theory and its application—in particular, the application of unsupported or unsound clinical practices. Critics say there has been an increase in the number of mental health training programs that do not instill scientific competence. One skeptic asserts that practices, such as "facilitated communication for infantile autism"; memory-recovery techniques including body work; and other therapies, such as rebirthing and reparenting, may be dubious or even dangerous, despite their popularity. In 1984, Allen Neuringer made a similar point regarding the experimental analysis of behavior. Psychologists, sometimes divided along the lines of laboratory vs. clinic, continue to debate these issues.


Ethical standards in the discipline have changed over time. Some famous past studies are today considered unethical and in violation of established codes (Ethics Code of the American Psychological Association, the Canadian Code of Conduct for Research Involving Humans, and the Belmont Report).

The most important contemporary standards are informed and voluntary consent. After World War II, the Nuremberg Code was established because of Nazi abuses of experimental subjects. Later, most countries (and scientific journals) adopted the Declaration of Helsinki. In the U.S., the National Institutes of Health established the Institutional Review Board in 1966, and in 1974 adopted the National Research Act (HR 7724). All of these measures encouraged researchers to obtain informed consent from human participants in experimental studies. A number of influential studies led to the establishment of this rule; such studies included the MIT and Fernald School radioisotope studies, the Thalidomide tragedy, the Willowbrook hepatitis study, and Stanley Milgram's studies of obedience to authority.

University psychology departments have ethics committees dedicated to the rights and well-being of research subjects. Researchers in psychology must gain approval of their research projects before conducting any experiment to protect the interests of human participants and laboratory animals.

The ethics code of the American Psychological Association originated in 1951 as "Ethical Stanards of Psychologists." This code has guided the formation of licensing laws in most American states. It has changed multiple times over the decades since its adoption. In 1989 the APA revised its policies on advertising and referral fees to negotiate the end of an investigation by the Federal Trade Commission. The 1992 incarnation was the first to distinguish between "aspirational" ethical standards and "enforceable" ones. Members of the public have a 5-year window to file ethics complaints about APA members with the APA ethics committee; members of the APA have a 3-year window.

Some of the ethical issues considered most important are the requirement to practice only within the area of competence, to maintain confidentiality with the patients, and to avoid sexual relations with them. Another important principle is informed consent, the idea that a patient or research subject must understand and freely choose a procedure they are undergoing. Some of the most common complaints against clinical psychologists include sexual misconduct, and involvement in child custody evaluations.

Other animals
Current ethical guidelines state that using non-human animals for scientific purposes is only acceptable when the harm (physical or psychological) done to animals is outweighed by the benefits of the research. Keeping this in mind, psychologists can use certain research techniques on animals that could not be used on humans.

An experiment by Stanley Milgram raised questions about the ethics of scientific experimentation because of the extreme emotional stress suffered by the participants. It measured the willingness of study participants to obey an authority figure who instructed them to perform acts that conflicted with their personal conscience.
Harry Harlow drew condemnation for his "pit of despair" experiments on rhesus macaque monkeys at the University of Wisconsin–Madison in the 1970s. The aim of the research was to produce an animal model of clinical depression. Harlow also devised what he called a "rape rack", to which the female isolates were tied in normal monkey mating posture. In 1974, American literary critic Wayne C. Booth wrote that, "Harry Harlow and his colleagues go on torturing their nonhuman primates decade after decade, invariably proving what we all knew in advance—that social creatures can be destroyed by destroying their social ties." He writes that Harlow made no mention of the criticism of the morality of his work.
See also

Portal icon Psychology portal
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Main article: Outline of psychology
Group psychotherapy
List of important publications in psychology
List of psychologists
List of psychology organizations
Media psychology
Outline of human intelligence
Outline of thought
Philosophy of psychology
Psychology – Wikipedia book
Social work


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^ Although psychoanalysis and other forms of depth psychology are most typically associated with the unconscious mind, behaviorists consider such phenomena as classical conditioning and operant conditioning, while cognitivists explore implicit memory, automaticity, and subliminal messages, all of which are understood either to bypass or to occur outside of conscious effort or attention. Indeed, cognitive-behavioral therapists counsel their clients to become aware of maladaptive thought patterns, the nature of which the clients previously had not been conscious.
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^ The Principles of Psychology (1890), with introduction by George A. Miller, Harvard University Press, 1983 paperback, ISBN 0-674-70625-0 (combined edition, 1328 pages)
^ Leahey, History of Modern Psychology (2001), pp. 178–182.
^ Leahey, History of Modern Psychology (2001), pp. 196–200.
^ Cecilia Taiana, "Transatlantic Migration of the Disciplines of Mind: Examination of the Reception of Wundt's and Freud's Theories in Argentina", in Brock (ed.), Internationalizing the History of Psychology (2006).
^ Irina Sirotkina and Roger Smith, "Russian Federation", in Baker (ed.), Oxford Handbook of the History of Psychology (2012).
^ Wozniak, R.H. (1999). Introduction to memory: Hermann Ebbinghaus (1885/1913). Classics in the history of psychology
^ Windholz, G. (1997). "Ivan P. Pavlov: An overview of his life and psychological work". American Psychologist 52 (9): 941–946. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.52.9.941.
^ Nancy Tomes, “The Development of Clinical Psychology, Social Work, and Psychiatric Nursing: 1900–1980s”, in Wallace & Gach (eds.), History of Psychiatry and Medical Psychology (2008).
^ Franz Samuelson, "Organizing for the Kingdom of Behavior: Academic Battles and the Organizational Policies in the Twenties"; Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 21, January 1985.
^ Hans Pols, "The World as Laboratory: Strategies of Field Research Developed by Mental Hygiene Psychologists in Toronto, 1920–1940" in Theresa Richardson & Donald Fisher (eds.), The Development of the Social Sciences in the United States and Canada: The Role of Philanthropy; Stamford, CT: Ablex Publishing, 1999; ISBN 1-56750-405-1
^ Sol Cohen, “The Mental Hygiene Movement, the Development of Personality and the School: The Medicalization of American Education”; History of Education Quarterly 23.2, Summer 1983.
^ Vern L. Bullough, “The Rockefellers and Sex Research”; Journal of Sex Research 21.2, May 1985. “Their importance is hard to overestimate. In fact, in the period between 1914 and 1954, the Rockefellers were almost the sole support of sex research in the United States. The decisions made by their scientific advisers about the nature of the research to be supported and how it was conducted, as well as the topics eligible for research support, shaped the whole field of sex research and, in many ways, still continue to support it.”
^ Guthrie, Even the Rat was White (1998), Chapter 4: "Psychology and Race" (pp. 88–110). "Psychology courses often became the vehicles for eugenics propaganda. One graduate of the Record Office training program wrote, 'I hope to serve the cause by infiltrating eugenics into the minds of teachers. It may interest you to know that each student who takes psychology here works up his family history and plots his family tree.' Harvard, Columbia, Brown, Cornell, Wisconsin, and Northwestern were among the leading academic institutions teaching eugenics in psychology courses."
^ Dorwin Cartwright, "Social Psychology in the United States During the Second World War", Human Relations 1.3, June 1948, p. 340; quoted in Cina, "Social Science For Whom?" (1981), p. 269.
^ Catherine Lutz, “Epistemology of the Bunker: The Brainwashed and Other New Subjects of Permanent War”, in Joel Pfister & Nancy Schnog (eds.), Inventing the Psychological: Toward a Cultural History of Emotional Life in America; Yale University Press, 1997; ISBN 0-300-06809-3
^ Cina, "Social Science For Whom?" (1981), pp. 315–325.
^ Herman, "Psychology as Politics" (1993), p. 288. “Had it come to fruition, CAMELOT would have been the largest, and certainly the most generously funded, behavioral research project in U.S. history. With a $4 – 6 million contract over a period of 3 years, it was considered, and often called, a veritable Manhattan Project for the behavioral sciences, at least by many of the intellectuals whose services were in heavy demand.”
^ Cocks, Psychotherapy in the Third Reich (1997), pp. 75–77.
^ Cocks, Psychotherapy in the Third Reich (1997), p. 93.
^ Cocks, Psychotherapy in the Third Reich (1997), pp. 86–87. "For Schultz-Hencke in this 1934 essay, life goals were determined by ideology, not by science. In the case of psychotherapy, he defined health in terms of blood, strong will, proficiency, discipline, (Zucht und Ordnung), community, heroic bearing, and physical fitness. Schultz-Hencke also took the opportunity in 1934 to criticize psychoanalysis for providing an unfortunate tendency toward the exculpation of the criminal."
^ Jürgen Brunner, Matthias Schrempf, & Florian Steger, "Johannes Heinrich Schultz and National Socialism", Israel Journal of Psychiatry & Related Sciences 45.4, 2008. Bringing these people to a right and deep understanding of every German’s duty in the New Germany, such as preparatory mental aid and psychotherapy in general and in particular for persons to be sterilized, and for people having been sterilized, is a great, important and rewarding medical duty."
^ Cocks, Psychotherapy in the Third Reich (1997), Chapter 14: "Reconstruction and Repression", pp. 351–375.
^ Kozulin, Psychology in Utopia (1984), pp. 84–86. "Against such a background it is not at all surprising that psychoanalysis, as a theory that ventured to approach the forbidden but topical theme of sexual relations, was embraced by the newborn Soviet psychology. Psychoanalysis also attracted the interest of Soviet psychology as a materialist trend that had challenged the credentials of classical introspective psychology. The reluctance of the pre-Revolutionary establishment to propagate psychoanalysis also played a positive role in the post-Revolutionary years; it was a field uncompromised by ties to old-regime science." Though c.f. Hannah Proctor, "Reason Displaces All Love", The New Inquiry, February 14, 2014.
^ Kozulin, Psychology in Utopia (1984), p. 22. "Stalin's purges of the 1930s did not spare Soviet psychologists. Leading Marxist philosophers earlier associated with psychology—including Yuri Frankfurt, Nikolai Karev, and Ivan Luppol—were executed in prison camps. The same fate awaited Alexei Gastev and Isaak Shipilrein. Those who survived lived in an atmosphere of total suspicion. […] People who dominated their fields yesterday might be denounced today as traitors and enemies of the people, and by tomorrow their names mihgt disappear from all public records. Books and newspapers were constantly being recalled from libraries to rid them of 'obsolete' names and references."
^ Kozulin, Psychology in Utopia (1984), pp. 25–26, 48–49.
^ Kozulin, Psychology in Utopia (1984), pp. 27–33. "Georgy Schedrovitsky, who is currently at the Moscow Institute of Psychology, can be singled out as the most prominent theorist working in the context of systems research. […] This is Schedrovitsky's second major thesis: Activity should not be regarded as an attribute of the individual but rather as an all-embracing system that 'captures' individuals and 'forces' them to behave a certain way. This approach may be traced back to the assertion of Wilhelm Humboldt that it is not man who has language as an attribute, but rather language that 'possesses' man. […] Schedrovitsky's activity approach has been applied successfully to the design of man-machine systems and to the evaluation of human factors in urban planning."
^ Chin & Chin, Psychological Research in Communist China (1969), pp. 5–9.
^ Chin & Chin, Psychological Research in Communist China (1969), pp. 9–17. "The Soivet psychology that Peking modeled itself upon was a Marxist-Leninist psychology with a philosophical base in dialectical materialism and a newly added label, Pavlovianism. This new Soviet psychology leaned heavily on Lenin's theory of reflection, which was unearthed in his two volumes posthumously published in 1924. Toward the late twenties, a group of Soviet research psychologists headed by Vygotskii, along with Luria and Leont'ev, laid the groundwork for a Marxist-Leninist approach to psychic development."
^ Chin & Chin, Psychological Research in Communist China (1969), pp. 18–24.
^ Wade Pickren & Raymond D. Fowler, “Professional Organizations”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 1: History of Psychology.
^ Irmingard Staeuble, "Psychology in the Eurocentric Order of the Social Sciences: Colonial Constitution, Cultural Imperialist Expansion, Postcolonial Critique" in Brock (ed.), Internationalizing the History of Psychology (2006).
^ For example, see Oregon State Law, Chapter 675 (2013 edition) at Statutes & Rules Relating to the Practice of Psychology.
^ Judy E. Hall and George Hurley, “North American Perspectives on Education, Training, Licensing, and Credentialing”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 8: Clinical Psychology.
^ T.S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 1st. ed., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Pr., 1962.
^ Beveridge, A. (2002). "Time to abandon the subjective—objective divide?". The Psychiatrist 26: 101–103. doi:10.1192/pb.26.3.101.
^ Peterson, C. (2009, 23 May). "Subjective and objective research in positive psychology: A biological characteristic is linked to well-being". Psychology Today. Retrieved 20 April 2010.
^ Panksepp, J. (1998). Affective neuroscience: The foundations of human and animal emotions. New York: Oxford University Press, p. 9.
^ Teo, The Critique of Psychology (2005), pp. 36–37. "Methodologism means that the method dominates the problem, problems are chosen in subordination to the respected method, and psychology has to adopt without question, the methods of the natural sicences. […] From an epistemological and ontological-critical as well as from a human-scientific perspective the experiment in psychology has limited value (for example, only for basic psychological processes), given the nature of the psychological subject matter, and the reality of persons and their capabilities."
^ Teo, The Critique of Psychology (2005), p. 120. "Pervasive in feminist critiques of science, with the exception of feminist empiricism, is the rejection of positivist assumptions, including the assumption of value-neutrality or that research can only be objective if subjectivity and emotional dimensions are excluded, when in fact culture, personality, and institutions play significant roles (see Longino, 1990; Longino & Doell, 1983). For psychology, Grimshaw (1986) discussed behaviorism's goals of modification, and suggested that behaviorist principles reinforced a hierarchical position between controller and controlled and that behaviorism was in principle an antidemocratic program."
^ Edwin R. Wallace, IV, “Two 'Mind'-'Body' Models for a Holistic Psychiatry” and “Freud on 'Mind-Body' I: The Psychoneurobiological and 'Instinctualist' Stance; with Implications for Chapter 24, and Two Postscripts, in Wallace & Gach (eds.), History of Psychiatry and Medical Psychology (2008).
^ Richard F. Thompson & Stuart M. Zola, “Biological Psychology”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 1: History of Psychology.
^ Michela Gallagher & Randy J. Nelson, “Volume Preface”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 3: Biological Psychology.
^ Luria, “The Working Brain” (1973), pp. 20– 22.
^ Pinel, John (2010). Biopsychology. New York: Prentice Hall. ISBN 0-205-83256-3.
^ Richard Frankel, Timothy Quill, Susan McDaniel (2003). The Biopsychosocial Approach: Past, Present, Future. Boydell & Brewer. ISBN 9781580461023.
^ Guthrie, Even the Rat was White (1998), Chapter 1: "'The Noble Savage' and Science" (pp. 3–33)
^ Guthrie, Even the Rat was White (1998), Chapter 5: "The Psychology of Survival and Education" (pp. 113–134)
^ Guthrie, Even the Rat was White (1998), Chapter 2: "Brass Instruments and Dark Skins" (pp. 34–54)
^ Leahey, History of Modern Psychology (2001), pp. 212–215.
^ Leahey, History of Modern Psychology (2001), pp. 218–227.
^ J. B. Watson & R. Rayner, “Conditioned emotional responses”, Journal of Experimental Psychology 3, 1920; in Hock, Forty Studies (2002), pp. 70–76.
^ Overskeid, G. (2007). for Skinner and finding Freud". American Psychologist 62(6), 590–595.
^ Miller, S. & Konorski, J. (1928) Sur une forme particulière des reflexes conditionels. Comptes Rendus des Seances de la Societe de Biologie et de ses Filiales, 99, 1155–1157
^ Skinner, B. F. (1932) The Behavior of Organisms
^ Schlinger, H.D. (2008). The long good-bye: why B.F. Skinner's Verbal Behavior is alive and well on the 50th anniversary of its publication. The Psychological Record.
^ Leahey, History of Modern Psychology (2001), pp. 282–285.
^ Chomsky, N.A. (1959) A Review of Skinner's Verbal Behavior
^ Seligman M.E.P.; Maier S.F. (1967). "Failure to escape traumatic shock". Journal of Experimental Psychology 74 (1): 1–9. doi:10.1037/h0024514. PMID 6032570.
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^ E. C. Tolman, “Cognitive maps in rats and men”, Psychological Review 55, 1948; in Hock, Forty Studies (2002), pp. 107–114. “During the years when psychology was consumed with strict stimulus-response learning theories that dismissed unobservable internal mental activity, Tolman, at the University of California at Berkeley, was doing experiments demonstrating that complex internal cognitive activity occurred even in rats, and that these mental processes could be studied without the necessity of observing them directly. Due to the significance of his work, Tolman is considered to be the founder of a school of thought about learning that is today called cognitive-behaviorism”.
^ Ruben Ardila, "Behavior Analysis in an International Context", in Brock (ed.), Internationalizing the History of Psychology (2006).
^ Mandler, G. (2007). A history of modern experimental psychology: From James and Wundt to cognitive science. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
^ Bandura, A. (1973). Aggression: A social learning analysis. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
^ Aidman, Eugene; Galanis, George; Manton, Jeremy; Vozzo, Armando; Bonner, Michael (2002). "'Evaluating human systems in military training'". Australian Journal of Psychology 54 (3): 168–173. doi:10.1080/00049530412331312754.
^ Moore, B.E.; Fine, B.D. (1968), A Glossary of Psychoanalytic Terms and Concepts, Amer Psychoanalytic Assn, p. 78, ISBN 978-0-318-13125-2
^ Freud, S (1900). "The Interpretation of Dreams". IV and V (2nd ed.). Hogarth Press, 1955.
^ Freud, S (1915). "The Unconscious" XIV (2nd ed.). Hogarth Press, 1955.
^ Karl Popper, Conjectures and Refutations, London: Routledge and Keagan Paul, 1963, pp. 33–39; from Theodore Schick, ed., Readings in the Philosophy of Science, Mountain View, CA: Mayfield Publishing Company, 2000, pp. 9–13. Faculty.washington.edu
^ June 2008 study by the American Psychoanalytic Association, as reported in the New York Times, "Freud Is Widely Taught at Universities, Except in the Psychology Department" by Patricia Cohen, 25 November 2007.
^ For example, scientists have related brain structures to Freudian concepts such as libido, drives, the unconscious, and repression. The contributors to neuro-psychoanalysis include António Damásio (Damásio, A. (1994). Descartes' error: Emotion, reason, and the human brain; Damásio, A. (1996). The somatic marker hypothesis and the possible functions of the prefrontal cortex; Damásio, A. (1999). The feeling of what happens: Body and emotion in the making of consciousness; Damásio, A. (2003). Looking for Spinoza: Joy, sorrow, and the feeling brain); Eric Kandel; Joseph E. LeDoux (LeDoux, J.E. (1998). The emotional brain: The mysterious underpinnings of emotional life (Touchstone ed.). Simon & Schuster. Original work published 1996. ISBN 0-684-83659-9); Jaak Panksepp (Panksepp, J. (1998). Affective neuroscience: The foundations of human and animal emotions. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press); Oliver Sacks (Sacks, O. (1984). A leg to stand on. New York: Summit Books/Simon and Schuster); Mark Solms (Kaplan-Solms, K., & Solms, M. (2000). Clinical studies in neuro-psychoanalysis: Introduction to a depth neuropsychology. London: Karnac Books; Solms, M., & Turnbull, O. (2002). The brain and the inner world: An introduction to the neuroscience of subjective experience. New York: Other Press); and Douglas Watt.
^ "Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs". Honolulu.hawaii.edu. Retrieved 10 December 2011.
^ Gazzaniga, Michael (2010). Psychological Science. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-393-93421-2.
^ Rowan, John. (2001). Ordinary Ecstasy: The Dialectics of Humanistic Psychology. London, UK: Brunner-Routledge. ISBN 0-415-23633-9
^ A. J. Sutich, American association for humanistic psychology, Articles of association. Palo Alto, CA (mimeographed): August 28, 1963; in Severin (ed.), Humanistic Viewpoints in Psychology (1965), pp. xv–xvi.
^ Hergenhahn, B.R. (2005). An introduction to the history of psychology. Belmont, CA, USA: Thomson Wadsworth. pp. 528–36.
^ Hergenhahn, B.R. (2005). An introduction to the history of psychology. Belmont, CA, USA: Thomson Wadsworth. pp. 546–47.
^ Hergenhahn, B.R. (2005). An introduction to the history of psychology. Belmont, CA, USA: Thomson Wadsworth. pp. 523–32.
^ Frankl, V.E. (1984). Man's search for meaning (rev. ed.). New York, NY, USA: Washington Square Press. p. 86.
^ Seidner, Stanley S. (10 June 2009) "A Trojan Horse: Logotherapeutic Transcendence and its Secular Implications for Theology". Mater Dei Institute. p 2.
^ Carver, C., & Scheier, M. (2004). Perspectives on Personality (5th ed.). Boston: Pearson.
^ Leslie C. Morey, “Measuring Personality and Psychopathology” in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology.
^ Charles Sanders Peirce & Joseph Jastrow, "On Small Differences in Sensation", Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences 3, October 17, 1884; cited in William P. Banks & Ilya Farber, "Consciousness", in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 4: Experimental Psychology; and in James A Deber & Larry L. Jacoby, "Unconscious Perception: Attention, Awareness, and Control", Journal of Experimental Psychology 20.2, 1994.
^ John F. Kihlstrom, “The Psychological Unconscious”, in Lawrence Pervin & Oliver John (eds.), Handbook of Personality; New York: Guilford Press, 1999. Also see web version.
^ William P. Banks & Ilya Farber, "Consciousness", in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 4: Experimental Psychology.
^ John Bargh and Tanya L. Chartrand, “The Unbearable Automaticity of Being”, American Psychologist 54.7, July 1999. Also see: John A. Bargh, “The Automaticity of Everyday Life”, in Robert S. Wyer, Jr. (ed.), The Automaticity of Everyday Life, Advances in Social Cognition, Volume X; Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997; ISBN 9780805816990
^ John F. Kihlstrom, “The Automaticity Juggernaut—or, Are We Automatons After All?”, in John Baer, James C. Kaufmna, & Roy F. Baumeister (eds.), Are We Free? Psychology and Free Will; Oxford University Press, 2008. ISBN 978–0–19–518963–6
^ For one of many examples, see: Chun Siong Soon, Marcel Brass, Hans-Jochen Heinze, & John-Dylan Haynes, "Unconscious determinants of free decisions in the human brain", Nature Neuroscience 11, 2008.
^ Roy F. Baumeister, “Free Will in Scientific Psychology”; Perspectives on Psychological Science 3.1, 2008.
^ Forgas, Williams, & Laham, "Social Motivation: Introduction and Overview", in Forgas, Williams, & Laham, Social Motivation (2005).
^ Weiner, Human Motivation (2013), Chapter 2, "The Psychoanalytic Theory of Motivation" (pp. 9–84).
^ Bill P. Godsil, Matthew R. Tinsley, & Michael S. Fanselow, "Motivation", in in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 4: Experimental Psychology.
^ Weiner, Human Motivation (2013), Chapter 3, "Drive Theory" (pp. 85–138).
^ E. Tory Higgins, Beyond Pleasure and Pain: How Motivation Works; Oxford University Press, 2012; ISBN 978-0-19-976582-9
^ Shah & Gardner, Handbook of Motivation Science (2008), entire volume.
^ Hank Aarts, Ap Dijksterhuis, & Giel Dik, "Goal Contagion: Inferring goals from others' actions—and what it leads to", in Shah & Gardner, Handbook of Motivation Science (2008). "In short, then, the studies presented above indicate that humans are keen to act on the goals of other social beings that are implied in behavioral scenarios or scripts." Also see: Aarts, Hassin, & Gollwitzer, "Goal Contagion: Perceiving is for Pursuing, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 87.1, 2004.
^ Kathleen D. Vohs & Roy F. Baumeister, "Can Satisfaction Reinforce Wanting? A new theory about long-term changes in strength of motivation", in Shah & Gardner, Handbook of Motivation Science (2008).
^ Gregory, Psychological Testing (2011), p. 41–42.
^ Gregory, Psychological Testing (2011), p. 42–43.
^ Gregory, Psychological Testing (2011), p. 44–45.
^ Gregory, Psychological Testing (2011), p. 45–46.
^ Gregory, Psychological Testing (2011), p. 50–56.
^ Guthrie, Even the Rat was White (1998), Chapter 3: "Psychometric Scientism" (pp. 55–87)
^ Gregory, Psychological Testing (2011), p. 61.
^ Robert M. Berry, "From Involuntary Sterilization to Genetic Enhancement: The Unsettled Legacy of Buck v. Bell", Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics, & Public Policy 12, 2012.
^ Gregory, Psychological Testing (2011), p. 2. “From birth to old age, we encounter tests at almost every turning point in life. […] Tests are used in almost every nation on earth for counseling, selection, and placement. Testing occurs in settings as diverse as schools, civil service, industry, medical clinics, and counseling centers. Most persons have taken dozens of tests and thought nothing of it. Yet, by the time the typical individual reaches retirement age, it is likely that psychological test results will have helped to shape his or her destiny.”
^ Gregory, Psychological Testing (2011), p. 4–6.
^ George Stricker & Thomas A. Widiger, “Volume Preface”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 8: Clinical Psychology.
^ Brain, Christine. (2002). Advanced psychology: applications, issues and perspectives. Cheltenham: Nelson Thornes. ISBN 0-17-490058-9
^ Nancy McWilliams and Joel Weinberger, “Psychodynamic Psychotherapy”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 8: Clinical Psychology.
^ W. Edward Craighead & Linda Wilcoxon Craighead, “Behavioral and Cognitive-Behavioral Psychotherapy” in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 8: Clinical Psychology.
^ Teri L. Elliott, "Disaster Psychology: Keep Clients out of Your Office—Get into the Field!" in Morgan et al. (ed.), Life After Graduate School in Psychology (2005). "…it is the disaster psychologist's role to utilize crisis intervention processes with the goal of preventing natural distress due to the critical event from developing into a more harmful, long-term psychological condition."
^ Leichsenring, Falk; Leibing, Eric (2003). "The effectiveness of psychodynamic therapy and cognitive behavior therapy in the treatment of personality disorders: A meta-analysis". The American Journal of Psychiatry 160 (7): 1223–33. doi:10.1176/appi.ajp.160.7.1223. PMID 12832233.
^ Reisner, Andrew (2005). "The common factors, empirically validated treatments, and recovery models of therapeutic change". The Psychological Record 55 (3): 377–400.
^ Jensen, J.P.; Bergin, A.E.; Greaves, D.W. (1990). "The meaning of eclecticism: New survey and analysis of components". Professional Psychology: Research and Practice 21 (2): 124–30. doi:10.1037/0735-7028.21.2.124.
^ Palmer, S.; Woolfe, R. (eds.) (1999). Integrative and eclectic counselling and psychotherapy. London: Sage.
^ Clarkson, P. (1996). The eclectic and integrative paradigm: Between the Scylla of confluence and the Charybdis of confusion. In Handbook of Counselling Psychology (R. Woolfe & W.L. Dryden, eds.). London: Sage, pp. 258–83. ISBN 0-8039-8991-1
^ Goldfried, M.R.; Wolfe, B.E. (1998). "Toward a more clinically valid approach to therapy research". Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 66 (1): 143–50. doi:10.1037/0022-006X.66.1.143. PMID 9489268.
^ Seligman, M.E.P. (1995). "The effectiveness of psychotherapy: The Consumer Reports study". American Psychologist 50 (12): 965–74. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.50.12.965. PMID 8561380.
^ Peter E. Nathan & James Langenbucher, “Diagnosis and Classification”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 8: Clinical Psychology.
^ National Association of School Psychologists. "Who are school psychologists?". Retrieved 1 June 2008.
^ Laura L. Koppes, “Industrial-Organizational Psychology”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 1: History of Psychology.
^ Yeh Hsueh, “The Hawthorne experiments and the introduction of Jean Piaget in American industrial psychology, 1929-1932”; History of Psychology 5.2, May 2002.
^ Myers (2004). Motivation and work. Psychology. New York, NY: Worth Publishers
^ Steven Williams, "Executive Management: Helping Executives Manage Their Organizations through Organizational and Market Research" in Morgan et al. (ed.), Life After Graduate School in Psychology (2005).
^ Robert M. Yerkes, “Measuring the Mental Strength of an Army”; Proceedings of the National Academy of Science 4.10, October 15, 1918.
^ Joshua N. Friedlander, "Military Psychology: An Army Clinical Psychologist" in Morgan et al. (ed.), Life After Graduate School in Psychology (2005).
^ Paul M. A. Linebarger, Psychological Warfare; Washington: Combat Forces Press, 1954.
^ See “Project MKULTRA, the CIA's Program of Research in Behavioral Modification”; Joint Hearing before the Senate Committee on Intelligence and the Subcommittee on Health and Scientific Research of the Committee on Human Resources, United States Senate, Ninety Fifth Congress, First Session, August 3, 1997; and John D. Marks, The Search for the Manchurian Candidate, New York: Times Books, 1979.
^ Alfred Paddock, Jr., “PSYOP: On a Complete Change in Organization, Practice, and Doctrine”, Small Wars Journal 2010.
^ Marilu Price Berry, "Interdisciplinary Medical Setting: The Multiple Roles of a Health Psychologist" in Morgan et al. (ed.), Life After Graduate School in Psychology (2005).
^ Monica L. Baskin, "Public Health: Career Opportunities for Psychologists in Public Health", in Morgan et al. (ed.), Life After Graduate School in Psychology (2005). "Prevention strategies of late have largely concentrated on community-based interventions, which have been shown to be effective in changing the health of large populations. Behavioral and social scientists, such as psychologists, are helpful in this arena as we are trained to view individuals as belonging to complex and dynamic social systems, including immediate and extended family systems, acquaintance and friendship networks, neighborhood and community systems, and cultural groups (Schneiderman & Spee4, 2001)."
^ Guthrie, Even the Rat was White (1998), Chapter 7: "Production of Black Psychologists in America" (pp. 155–213).
^ John A. Schinka & Wayne F. Velicer, “Volume Preface” in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology.
^ Schulz, K.F.; Altman, D.G.; Moher, D.; for the CONSORT Group (2010). "CONSORT 2010 Statement: updated guidelines for reporting parallel group randomised trials". BMJ 340: c332. doi:10.1136/bmj.c332. PMC 2844940. PMID 20332509.
^ Milgram, Stanley (1963). "Behavioral Study of Obedience". Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 67 (4): 371–78. doi:10.1037/h0040525. PMID 14049516. Full-text PDF.
^ Evelyn S. Behar & Thomas D. Borkovec, “Psychotherapy Outcome Research”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology.
^ Melvin M. Mark, “Program Evaluation” in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology.
^ Roger E. Kirk, “Experimental Design” in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology.
^ Russell M. Bauer, Elizabeth C. Leritz, & Dawn Bowers, “Neuropsychology”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology.
^ John T. Behrens and Chong-Ho Yu, “Exploratory Data Analysis” in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology.
^ Frank L. Schmidt and John E. Hunter, ”Meta-Analysis”, Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology.
^ Frank Rösler, “From Single-Channel Recordings to Brain-Mapping Devices: The Impact of Electroencephalography on Experimental Psychology”; History of Psychology 8.1, 2005.
^ Joseph M. Moran & Jamil Zaki, "Functional Neuroimaging and Psychology: What Have You Done for Me Lately?", Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 25.6, 2013.
^ John T. Cacioppo, Gary G. Berntson, & Howard C. Nusbaum, "Neuroimaging as a New Tool in the Toolbox of Psychological Science", Current Directions in Psychological Science 17.2, 2008.
^ Tatjana Aue, Leah A. Lavelle, & John T. Cacioppo, "Great expectations: What can fMRI research tell us about psychological phenomena?", International Journal of Psychophysiology 73.1, 2009.
^ Ron Sun, (2008). The Cambridge Handbook of Computational Psychology. Cambridge University Press, New York. 2008.
^ "Ncabr.Org: About Biomedical Research: Faq". Retrieved 1 July 2008.
^ Shettleworth, S. J. (2010) Cognition, Evolution and Behavior (2nd Ed), New York: Oxford.
^ Wilson, E.O. (1978) On Human Nature Page x, Cambridge, Ma: Harvard
^ Glaser, B. & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine.
^ Harlow (1868), Fig. 2, p. 347 Harlow, John Martyn (1868). "Recovery from the Passage of an Iron Bar through the Head." Publications of the Massachusetts Medical Society 2:327–347 (Republished in Macmillan 2000).
^ Arjo Klamer, Robert M. Solow, Donald N. McCloskey (1989). The Consequences of economic rhetoric. Cambridge University Press. pp. 173–74. ISBN 978-0-521-34286-5.
^ Lehrer, Jonah (13 December 2010). "The Truth Wears Off". The New Yorker. Retrieved 10 April 2011.
^ Sterling, Theodore D. (March 1959). "Publication decisions and their possible effects on inferences drawn from tests of significance—or vice versa". Journal of the American Statistical Association 54 (285): 30–34. doi:10.2307/2282137. Retrieved 10 April 2011.
^ Fanelli, Daniele (2010). Enrico Scalas, ed. "'Positive' Results Increase Down the Hierarchy of the Sciences". PLoS ONE 5 (4): e10068. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0010068. PMC 2850928. PMID 20383332. Retrieved 10 April 2011.
^ Gary Marcus, "The Crisis in Social Psychology That Isn't, New Yorker 1 May 2013; Michelle N. Meyer and Christopher Chabris, "Why Psychologists' Food Fight Matters", Slate.com, 31 July 2014; etc.
^ Simmons, Joseph; Nelson, Leif; Simonsohn, Uri (November 2011). "False-Positive Psychology: Undisclosed Flexibility in Data Collection and Analysis Allows Presenting Anything as Significant". Psychological Science (Washington DC: Association for Psychological Science) 22 (11): 1359–1366. doi:10.1177/0956797611417632. ISSN 0956-7976. PMID 22006061. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
^ Stroebe, Wolfgang; Fritz Strack (January 2014). "The Alleged Crisis and the Illusion of Exact Replication". Perspectives on Psychological Science 9 (1): 59–71.
^ Cohen, J. (1994). The Earth is round, p < .05, American Psychologist, 49, 997–1003.
^ The WEIRDest people in the world? Henrich, J., Heine, S., & Norenzayan, A. (2011). Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 33, 61–135.
^ Dawes, Robyn (1994). House of Cards – Psychology and Psychotherapy Built on Myth. Free Press. ISBN 978-0-02-907205-9.
^ Beyerstein, B.L. (2001). Fringe psychotherapies: The public at risk. The Scientific Re-view of Alternative Medicine, 5, 70–79
^ "SRMHP: Our Raison d'Être". Retrieved 1 July 2008.
^ Neuringer, A.: "Melioration and Self-Experimentation" Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Board in 1966, and in 1974 ad
^ Elliot Robert (1998). "Editor's Introduction: A Guide to the Empirically Supported Treatments Controversy". Psychotherapy Research 8 (2): 115. doi:10.1080/10503309812331332257.
^ The American Psychological Society: Responsible Conduct of Research
^ Stanley E. Jones, “Ethical Issues in Clinical Psychology”, in Weiner (ed.), Handbook of Psychology (2003), Volume 8: Clinical Psychology.
^ Sherwin, C.M.; Christionsen, S.B.; Duncan, I.J.; Erhard, H.W.; Lay Jr., D.C.; Mench, J.A.; O'Connor, C.E.; & Petherick, J.C. (2003). Guidelines for the Ethical use of animals in the applied ethology studies. Applied Animal Behaviour Science, 81, 291–305.
^ Milgram, Stanley. (1974), Obedience to Authority; An Experimental View. Harpercollins (ISBN 0-06-131983-X).
^ Blum 1994, p. 95, Blum 2002, pp. 218–19. Blum 1994, p. 95: "… the most controversial experiment to come out of the Wisconsin laboratory, a device that Harlow insisted on calling the 'pit of despair.'"
^ Blum, Deborah. Love at Goon Park: Harry Harlow and the Science of Affection. Perseus Publishing, 2002. ISBN 0-7382-0278-9
^ Booth, Wayne C. Modern Dogma and the Rhetoric of Assent, Volume 5, of University of Notre Dame, Ward-Phillips lectures in English language and literature, University of Chicago Press, 1974, p. 114. Booth is explicitly discussing this experiment. His next sentence is, "His most recent outrage consists of placing monkeys in 'solitary' for twenty days—what he calls a 'vertical chamber apparatus …. designed on an intuitive basis' to produce 'a state of helplessness and hopelessness, sunken in a well of despair.'"
Baker, David B. (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the History of Psychology. Oxford University Press (Oxford Library of Psychology), 2012. ISBN 9780195366556
Brock, Adrian C. (ed.). Internationalizing the History of Psychology. New York University Press, 2006. ISBN 9780814799444
Chin, Robert, and Ai-li S. Chin. Psychological Research in Communist China: 1949–1966. Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1969. ISBN 978-0-262-03032-8
Cina, Carol. "Social Science for Whom? A Structural History of Social Psychology." Doctoral dissertation, accepted by the State University of New York at Stony Brook, 1981.
Cocks, Geoffrey. Psychotherapy in the Third Reich: The Göring Institute, second edition. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997. ISBN 1-56000-904-7
Forgas, Joseph P., Kipling D. Williams, & Simon M. Laham. Social Motivation: Conscious and Unconscious Processes. Cambridge University Press, 2005. ISBN 0-521-83254-3
Gregory, Robert J. Psychological Testing: History, Principles, and Applications. Sixth edition. Boston: Allyn & Bacon (Pearson), 2011. ISBN 978-0-205-78214-7
Guthrie, Robert. Even the Rat was White: A Historical View of Psychology. Second edition. Boston, Allyn and Bacon (Viacon), 1998. ISBN 0-205-14993-6
Leahey, A History of Modern Psychology. Third Edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall (Pearson), 2001.
Luria, A. R. (1973). The Working Brain: An Introduction to Neuropsychology. Translated by Basil Haigh. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-09208-X
Herman, Ellen. "Psychology as Politics: How Psychological Experts Transformed Public Life in the United States 1940–1970." Doctoral dissertation accepted by Brandeis University, 1993.
Hock, Roger R. Forty Studies That Changed Psychology: Explorations Into the History of Psychological Research. Fourth edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2002. ISBN 978-0-13-032263-0
Kozulin, Alex. Psychology in Utopia: Toward a Social History of Soviet Psychology. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1984. ISBN 0-262-11087-3
Morgan, Robert D., Tara L. Kuther, & Corey J. Habben. Life After Graduate School in Psychology: Insider's Advice from New Psychologists. New York: Psychology Press (Taylor & Francis Group), 2005. ISBN 1-84169-410-X
Severin, Frank T. (ed.). Humanistic Viewpoints in Psychology: A Book of Readings. New York: McGraw Hill, 1965. ISBN
Shah, James Y., and Wendi L. Gardner. Handbook of Motivation Science. New York: The Guilford Press, 2008. ISBN 978-1-59385-568-0
Teo, Thomas. The Critique of Psychology: From Kant to Postcolonial Theory. New York: Springer, 2005. ISBN 978-0-387-25355-8
Wallace, Edwin R., IV, & John Gach (eds.), History of Psychiatry and Medical Psychology; New York: Springer, 2008; ISBN 978-0-387-34708-0
Weiner, Bernard. Human Motivation. Hoboken, NJ: Taylor and Francis, 2013. ISBN 9780805807110
Weiner, Irving B. Handbook of Psychology. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2003. ISBN 0-471-17669-9
Volume 1: History of Psychology. Donald K. Freedheim, ed. ISBN 0-471-38320-1
Volume 2: Research Methods in Psychology. John A. Schinka & Wayne F. Velicer, eds. ISBN 0-471-38513-1
Volume 3: Biological Psychology. Michela Gallagher & Randy J. Nelson, eds. ISBN 0-471-38403-8
Volume 4: Experimental Psychology. Alice F. Healy & Robert W. Proctor, eds. ISBN 0-471-39262-6
Volume 8: Clinical Psychology. George Stricker, Thomas A. Widiger, eds. ISBN 0-471-39263-4
Further reading

Badcock, Christopher R. (2015). "Nature-Nurture Controversy, History of". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 340–344. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03136-6. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Cascio, Wayne F. (2015). "Industrial–Organizational Psychology: Science and Practice". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 879–884. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.22007-2. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Chryssochoou, Xenia (2015). "Social Psychology". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 532–537. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.24095-6. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Deakin, Nicholas (2015). "Philosophy, Psychiatry, and Psychology". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 31–36. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.27049-9. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Demetriou, Andreas (2015). "Intelligence in Cultural, Social and Educational Context". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 313–322. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.92147-0. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Gelso, Charles J. (2015). "Counseling Psychology". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 69–72. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.21073-8. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Henley, Tracy B. (2015). "Psychology, History of (Early Period)". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 406–411. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03235-9. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Knowland, Victoria C. P.; Purser, Harry; Thomas, Michael S. C. (2015). "Cross-Sectional Methodologies in Developmental Psychology". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 354–360. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.23235-2. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Louw, Dap (2015). "Forensic Psychology". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 351–356. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.21074-X. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
McWilliams, Spencer A. (2015). "Psychology, History of (Twentieth Century)". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 412–417. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03046-4. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 8 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Pe-Pua, Rogelia (2015). "Indigenous Psychology". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 788–794. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.24067-1. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Peterson, Roger L.; Peterson, Donald R.; Abrams, Jules C.; Stricker, George; Ducheny, Kelly (2015). "Training in Clinical Psychology in the United States: Practitioner Model". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 517–523. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.21086-6. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Poortinga, Ype H. (2015). "Cross-Cultural Psychology". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 311–317. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.24011-7. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Spinath, Frank M.; Spinath, Birgit; Borkenau, Peter (2015). "Developmental Behavioral Genetics and Education". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 320–325. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.92009-9. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Smith, Edward E. (2015). "Cognitive Psychology: History". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 103–109. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03028-2. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Staerklé, Christian (2015). "Political Psychology". In Wright, James D. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). Elsevier. pp. 427–433. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.24079-8. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. Retrieved 9 April 2015. Lay summary – Penn Libraries News Center (8 April 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
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I looked up the history of domestic violence and here is what I found.

This is from Indiana Jen, “Why 1950’s America was NOT Magical.”

Under Domestic Violence it states, “it wasn’t until the 1970’s that Domestic Violence became criminally prosecutable. While there are a few cases of extreme domestic violence going to court (usually including murder), beating on your wife and children was considered discipline and law enforcement generally didn’t respond. In some states (notably California), it was actually illegal to prosecute men for spousal abuse as it was considered a form of sexual discrimination

She went on to write, “In spite of the common fantasy perpetuated in media and some political figures, many women worked outside the home in the 1950’s…usually in some type of domestic role…”

She stated, “I am saying that this was not a ‘magical’ time…most times in our past were not….It’s dangerous to idealize events, people, cultures, and time…appreciate the nows for what they are…There is a reason why the past is the past.”

Then I found a site called WOMENSAFE committed to ending domestic & sexual violence. In it it states, an

“Overview of Historical Laws that Supported Domestic Violence.”

It states, “In the U.S., the courts continued to uphold a man’s right to punish is wife with violence until 1871. In a case known as Fulgam vs. the State of Alabama, the court ruled that, “The privilege, ancient though it may be, to beat her with a stick, to pull her hair, choke her, spit in her face or kick her about the floor or to inflict upon her other indignities, is not now acknowledged by our law.”

Furthermore she states, ” In 1910, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that a wife had no cause for action on an assault and battery charge against her husband because it ‘would open the doors of the courts to accusations of all sorts of one spouse against the other and bring into public notice complaints for assaults, slander, and libel.’

“As recently as 1977, the California Penal Code stated that wives charging husbands with criminal assault and battery must suffer more injuries than commonly needed for charges of battery.”

“Today women have the ability to obtain protection orders through the court. However, in almost half of our states, the police are not empowered to enforce these orders, nor is there any penalty for the men who violate them.”

“Reading About Domestic Violence:”

Ann Jones, Next Time She’ll Be Dead; Battering and How to Stop It, 1994, Beacon Press, 288 pages…

Cherrie Morrage and Gloria Anzaldua, editors, The Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, 1983, Kitchen Table Press.

Ginny NiCarthy, Getting Free: You Can End Abuse and Take Back Your Life, 1977, Seal Press, 316 pages…with a list of resources.

Ginny NiCarthy and Sue Davidson, You Can Be Free, 1977, Ballentine Books, 245 pages with a list of resources.

Evelyn C. White, Chain, Chain, Change: For Black Women Dealing With Physical and Emotional Abuse, 1985, Seal Press, 78 pages.

Allan Creighton with Paul Kivel, Helping Teens Stop Violence, 1992, Hunter House, 166 pages.

Ann Goetting, Getting Out, Columbia University Press, 1999, Life stories of women who left abusive men.

Elaine Weiss, Surviving Domestic Violence, Angreka Books, 2000, This book tells the story of twelve women who broke free from their abusive partners.

Jan Berliner Statman, The Battered Woman’s Survival Guide, Tyler Publishing Company, 1990, A resource manual for victims, relatives, friends, and professionals, it includes legal options, profile of the battering personality, womens stories and ways to help a friend.”

I came across another site called: WOMEN AGAINST ABUSE Advocacy in Action and it gives a list of types of domestic violence:


Physical Abuse, Emotional Abuse, Sexual Abuse, Technological Abuse, Financial Abuse, and Abuse by Immigration Status.

Katie Young Wilder was named and a phone number listed as 215-386-1280

The National Domestic Hotline is 800-799-7233. or 800-787-3224 (TTY)

On April 7, 2014 The New York Times ran a story called: Signs of Trouble Before New Jersey Centenarian Killed Wife With Ax and Took His Own Life.

100 year old Michael Juskin killed his 88 year old wife, Rosalia Juskin.

“Darrell Steffensmeier, a professor of sociology and criminology at Pennsylvania State University, said that Mr. Juskin was the oldest killer whom he had come across in decades of studying age and crime. Federal Bureau of Investigation data show that only 0.6 percent of murder offenders in 2013 were 75 or older.”

I also came across a great site by GAVIN DE BECKER AND ASSOCIATES

He is the author of several books but the only one I can remember is THE GIFT OF FEAR. You can follow him on goodreads. I did.

They develope THREAT ASSESSMENT SYSTEMS for a number of groups and agencies. If you go to gavindebecker.com

you can use the Mosaic Threat Assessment Free Resource.

Another great source is: Yellow Dyno: “Providing non-fearful memory-enhancing educational products and curricula to protect children from child abuse, molestation, abduction, bullying, date rape, and violent kids.” You can go to xojet.com or call 877-599-6538.

Another great site is: KIDPOWER: “has an exceptional track record in the fields of personal safety and violence prevention.”

You can find it at http://www.kidpower.org or phone 800-467-6997

Laura Petherbridge From CBN.com wrote an article called: “12 Traits of an Abuser.” They are listed below

1. Charming, 2.Jealous, 3. Manipulative, 4. Controlling, 5. A Victim, 6. Narcissistic, 7. Inconsistant, 8. Critical, 9. Disconnected, 10. Hypersensitive, 11. Visious and cruel and 12. Insincerely repentant.

I can personally testify that the 12 Traits are for real. I lived in an abusive relationship for seven years and it was like living with the devil in the flesh. Women, please stay away from men who show these traits.

I hope this article helps some women make a safe choice in the type of man they choose to date and marry. Thank you.